Scheme of mass intimidation and mass murder against critics and opponents of Duterte regime

By Jose Maria Sison
NDFP Chief Political Consultant
August 22, 2019

The tyrant Duterte and his political, military and police agents are labeling the critics and opponents of his regime as “communists” and “terrorists” and claiming that they are the biggest problems afflicting the country and that they deserve to be subjected to all kinds of measures to intimidate, silence and even kill them extrajudicially or under flimsy legal pretenses.

Of course, the biggest problems plaguing the Filipino nation are imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism, which the chief oligarch Duterte wishes to preserve through state terrorism. And the world’s No.1 terrorist is US imperialism with the assistance of terrorist puppets like Duterte and his armed minions. All of these real terrorists are driving the people to fight for national liberation and democracy.

The criminal methods of labeling and then killing drug suspects extrajudicially by using death squads are now being increasingly used against critics and opponents of the regime in the countryside and even in urban areas. Duterte has openly instigated the campaign to red-tag, discredit, threaten and then kill them under the pretext that they “resist arrest” (nanlaban) or on the false claim that they kill each other.

The perpetuation of martial law in Mindanao and the actual implementation of martial law nationwide (without formal proclamation) are being used by the Duterte regime to intimidate the entire Filipino nation and murder those labeled as enemies of the state and thus allow the regime to engage in the most brazen acts of treason, corruption, rigging of the 2019 elections and other criminal acts.

Not satisfied with his “nanlaban” doctrine of killing any one on the pretext of resisting arrest, Duterte is trying to reinforce this license to kill by seeking to amend the Human Security Act or the Anti-Terrorism Law in order to facilitate his political and military agents in labeling his critics and opponents as “terrorists”, allow his armed agents a period of two months to make anyone disappear temporarily or permanently and remove any liability of his armed minions for the arbitrary detention of people.

There is also the move of Duterte’s agents to revive the old discredited Anti-Subversion Law as if the Anti-Terrorism Law and other repressive measures were not enough. The purpose of reviving the latter is to terrorize the people with the provisions for outlawing democratic organizations and suppressing democratic rights and imposing the death penalty on those who are deemed as criminals on the basis of guilt by association, even before they are tried and convicted by any court.

The Anti-Terrorism Law if amended and the Anti-Subversion Law if revived amount to overkill in view of the law on rebellion whose penalty has been raised to reclusion perpetua of up to 40 years. But this law has been either set aside or augmented by charges of common crimes against suspected political offenders in violation of the long-established Hernandez political offense doctrine, which prohibits complexing the charge of rebellion with charges of common crimes.

While Duterte’s political and armed agents are drawing attention to proposed amendments in the Anti-Terrorism Law and the proposed revival of the Anti-Subversion Law, the regime is actually engaged in mass murder under the “nanlaban” doctrine and under the cover of fake encounters. Duterte’s armed minions also use the method of planting firearms and explosives in making arbitrary arrests to detain indefinitely or kill extrajudicially those targeted.

Many people wonder why the US, which is still the dominant imperialist power in the Philippines, has tolerated the Duterte regime in boasting that it is becoming independent of the US and is becoming closer to China, in fact going to the extent of selling out Philippine sovereign rights in the West Philippine Sea and favoring China in infrastructure-building and technology agreements.

The reason is that Duterte and his highest pro-US military advisers and officers have assured the US that they will end the Communist Party of the Philippines and the Filipino people’s democratic revolution and that the US can continue to ride roughshod over the people and can get bigger gains through charter change

But Duterte can be undone by his failure to end the CPP and the people’s democratic revolution and by his success in aggravating the crisis of the ruling system and inciting greater numbers of the Filipino people to join the armed revolution. Duterte can end up like Marcos who became more of a liability than an asset to the US and was junked in 1986.

China has delayed the implementation of infrastructure projects as a way of pressuring Duterte to declare in more explicit terms his sell out of the sovereign rights over the exclusive economic zone in the West Philippine Sea, especially with regard to the exploration and exploitation of oil and gas resources and the several islands built and militarized by China.

Duterte can be dumped by a combination of pro-US military officers and patriotic elements in the Armed Forces of the Philippine who are opposed to Duterte’s traitorous dealings with China as well as his notorious collaboration with Chinese criminal triads in the smuggling of illegal drugs, rice and other commodities and the operation of casinos and offshore gambling.###

ON STUDENT ACTIVISM

Full Text of Interview with Prof. Jose Maria Sison (JMS) by Dempsey Reyes, which serves as basis for Manila Times report of August 21, 2019 on Sison’s views on student activism.

1. What do you think has been the difference between student activism in the past and present?

JMS: The struggle for national independence and democracy against Spanish colonialism emerged because of the student activism of Jose Rizal, Emilio Jacinto and many others in the late 19th century. 

The new democratic revolution for the national and social liberation of the Filipino people is a resumption of the unfinished Philippine revolution started by Andres Bonifacio. It has been sustained with the major and vital participation of student activists from the 20th to the 21st century.

We, the student activists of the late 1950s and the 1960s, were conscious of continuing the struggle for national liberation and democracy and overcoming the anti-democratic crackdown by the US and its Filipino puppets in the early 1950s on the patriotic and progressive forces in the Philippines.

The current student activists are similar to their precedessors in being patriotic and progressive. The differences from the past arise from their being able to take advantage of the revolutionary legacy bequeathed to them and from being confronted by new challenges from foreign monopoly capitalism, domestic feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism.

2. In the past, has there been red-tagging already among student activist groups?

Yes, certainly. Immediately after we established the Student Cultural Association of the University of the Philippines (SCAUP) in 1959, we were soon assailed by the anti-communist witch hunt instigated by the National Intelligence Coordinating Agency (NICA). 

We the student activists then were not cowed or silenced by the red-tagging and anti-communist tirade, which invoked the 1957 Anti-Subversion Law. But we became more inspired to fight back and to assert and exercise our democratic rights. We stood for the national and democratic rights of the student masses and the Filipino people.

The Committee on Anti-Filipino Activities (CAFA) headed by Rep. Leonardo Perez tried to witch-hunt, frighten and silence the progressive facculty members and students of the UP as a result of their progressive publications. I was one of those targeted for organizing the SCAUP and for writing “Requiem for Lumumba” in praise of the Congolese leader and in comdemnation of the CIA which instigated his murder.

The anti-communist witch hunt by the CAFA failed to intimidate us but it merely succeeded in rousing the students and faculy members to rise up in protest. The SCAUP organized a broad alliance of campus organizations in order to uphold and defend academic freedom. Thus, we were able to mobilize 5000 students to rally in front of Congress on March 15, 1961. A major part of the demonstrators poured into the hearing hall of the CAFA and literally scuttled its hearings.

3. Would you say that despite all that has been happening now with the red-tagging and conduct of probe on NPA recruitment supposedly because of student activism, do you think student activism will be impacted?

JMS: Student activism will not be silenced or die because of the current red-tagging and anti-communist witch-hunt by all branches of government under the Duterte tyrannical rule and its Executive Order No. 70. It is ludicrous that student activists are being persecuted merely because of the ultra-reactionary fear that they are being recruited to the NPA.

The student activists and student masses are defying the attempts to intimidate and suppress them and intensifying their efforts to inform and educate themselves on social ills and issues, organizing themselves and mobilizing themselves. The campaign to persecute and deprive them of their democratic rights is driving them to fight back.

It is not student activism that is the cause of many students and other people joining the NPA. The cause of the rising of the broad legal democratic movement as well as the armed revolution is the persistence of the rotten semicolonial and semifeudal ruling system and the aggravation of basic social problems by the tyrannical, traitorous, murderous, plundering and swindling regime of Duterte.

4. For you, should student activism continue?

JMS: Of course, student activism should continue. In the first place, it is unstoppable and is needed by the students themselves and the entire Filipino people. The students activists and the student masses must struggle for better conditions and a brighter future by opposing the rotten ruling system dominated by imperialism and ruled by the brutal and corrupt politicians of the big compradors and landlords.

It is not the fault of student activism that there are oppressive and exploitative conditions that they must criticize, repudiate and overcome. It is the escalating conditions of oppression and exploitation that are driving more students activists to join the armed revolution. Thus, the tyrannical Duterte regime is now known as the best recruiter of the NPA.

(AP Photo / Aaron Favila)

On the proposal to revive the Anti-Subversion Law

By Jose Maria Sison
NDFP Chief Political Consultant
August 14, 2019

The proposal of General Ano, secretary of the Department of Interior and Local Government, is one more manifestation of the frenzied drive of the tyrannical Duterte regime to impose a thoroughgoing fascist dictatorship on the people in a vain attempt to end the armed revolutionary movement as well as the broad legal opposition through red-tagging, harassments, threats, abductions and murders.

In line with the Duterte tyranny, the most vicious and bloodthirsty officials who love to kill people to solve problems are enamoured of the long-discredited Anti-Subversion Law because it provides for the death penalty, for the prejudgment of people on the basis of guilt by association and for the arbitrary listing of people as “communists” for the purpose of extortions and mass slaughter.

Contrary to the view of the chief suspect in the abduction and forced disappearance of the young activist Jonas Burgos, the revival of the Anti-Subversion Law will not eliminate the Communist Party of the Philippines and the people’s democratic revolution. It will only serve to further violate the national and democratic rights of the people and will thus incite the broad masses of the people to rise up.

The fundamental cause of the armed revolution in the Philippines is neither the existence of the Communist Party in the Philippines nor the communist ideas of Marxism-Leninism but the exploitation and oppression of the Filipino people by imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism in a semicolonial and semifeudal ruling system now lorded over by the tyrant and plunderer Duterte.

The revival of the Anti-Subversion Law can give further license to Duterte’s armed minions to violate human rights and can further embolden them to witchhunt, harass, threaten and kill those that they arbitrarily list as “communists” among the critics of the regime and the people in general. Such law can result in bigger mass murders than those perpetrated under Oplan Tokhang and Oplan Kapanatagan.

It must be recalled that the Anti-Subversion Law has long been discredited as an unjust and anti-democratic law by which anyone can be subjected to punishment on the basis of guilt by association, without the need to present evidence for the personal culpability of the accused for any crime.
Such law has long been condemned as a poison to the freedom of thought, expression and assembly.

Violations of democratic rights under the Anti-Subversion Law will drive more people to further oppose the regime and rise up in arms against it. Threatening to kill and actually killing people for their political ideas will compel them to act in a revolutionary way in order to get rid of the regime of terror that deprives them of the basic freedoms of thought, expression and assembly.

In my personal experience, red-tagging or anti-communist witchunts under the Anti-Subversion Law of the past never deterred me from studying Marxism-Leninism and aspiring to becone a communist. Whenever the great anti-imperialist and patriot Senator Claro Mayo Recto was castigated as a communist, I became even more inspired to study the theory and practice of Marxism-Leninism and learn how to apply the theory on the concrete conditions of the Philippines.

When I became a student activist in the University of the Philippines in the late 1950s, I was never afraid of the death penalty under the Anti-Subversion Law but on the contrary this anti-democratic law challenged me to organize Marxist-Leninist circles for the noble and patriotic purpose of reestablishing the Communist Party and continuing the democratic revolution started by Andres Bonifacio and frustrated by the war of aggression launched by US imperialism in 1899.

When the anti-communist witchhunt was carried out by the Committee on Anti-Filipino Activities from 1959 to 196i in order to suppress academic freedom with the use of the Anti-Subversion Law, we the students and teachers of the University of the Philippines stood up for academic freedom and all democratic rights. Ultimately, we organized the 5000 protesters that literally scuttled the anti-communist witch-hunt on March 15, 1961. A major part of the demonstrators flooded into the CAFA hearing hall and put a stop to the proceedings.

The Anti-Subversion Law did not stop the rise of Filiipino proletarian revolutionaries and their mass work. They succeeded in rebuilding the Communist Party and carrying out the people’s democratic revolution through protracted people’s war. Fidel V. Ramos repealed the Anti-Subversion Law in 1992 after recognizing the failure of this anti-democratic law to stop the growth and advance of the Communist Party of the Philippined and the revolutionary movement, 

In the concrete semicolonial and semifeudal conditions of the Philippines, the Filipino communists are of the view that neither socialism or communism is the current issue. Thus, they have excelled at leading the people’s democratic revolution, which strives to realize full national sovereignty, democracy, social justice, economic development through national industrialization and genuine land reform, a patriotic, scientific and mass culture and international solidarity and cooperation of peoples for peace and all-round progress.###

Red-tagging, harassments and extrajudicial killings drive many legal activists to join the people’s army

By Jose Maria Sison
NDFP Chief Political Consultant
August 8, 2019

As in the time of the Marcos fascist dictatorship, the Duterte de facto fascist dictatorship is using Executive Order No. 70 for red-tagging, harassments and extrajudicial killings of patriotic and democratic activists among workers, peasants and indigenous people, students and youth, religious, journalists, lawyers, environmentalists and human rights defenders in a futile attempt to suppress the people’s movement for national and social liberation.

But the aforesaid repressive tactics of the tyrannical Duterte regime achieve the opposite. Legal activists in both urban and rural areas are being driven to join the people’s armed revolution in order to defend themselves and obtain justice by revolutionary means for those already abducted, tortured and murdered by reactionary military and police operations.

Like Marcos, Duterte is unwittingly proving himself to be the best recruiter of the New People’s Army (NPA). The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) has welcomed and reported the sharp increase of people, especially young men and women, going underground and proceeding to the countryside for politico-military training and combat duty.

The NPA Red commanders and fighters are happy with their growing ranks and ridicule Duterte not only as the best recruiter for the NPA but also as their chief transport and supply officer. They aver that Duterte sends his military and police minions to the countryside only to be blown up by command-detonated explosives as well as struck down by NPA ambush units, thus unwittingly transporting and supplying arms to the NPA.

The number and capacity of the armed minions of the Duterte terrorist regime are limited and spread thinly nationwide. The NPA units can therefore easily choose the weak points of the enemy forces for tactical offensives in the form of ambushes, sniping, raids, sabotage and arrest operations.

The broad masses of the people and the legal democratic organizations of various classes and sectors anticipate that the Duterte regime will declare martial law nationwide and try to wipe out all organizations critical of the regime. It is therefore also anticipated that the armed city partisans and commando teams of the NPA will arise on a wide scale to fight the fascists in their urban lairs.

The Filipino people and their revolutionary forces, including the CPP, the NPA, the revolutionary mass organizations and organs of political power enjoy a high level of morale because of their growing strength, the worsening socioeconomic and political crisis of the ruling system and the increasing isolation and debility of the treasonous, tyrannical, brutal and corrupt Duterte regime.###

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On Duterte’s scheme of fascist dictatorship and the growing people’s resistance

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By Jose Maria Sison, NDFP Chief Political Consultant
July 29, 2019

Friends among academics, journalists and political activists have repeatedly asked me whether Duterte is proceeding to establish a fascist dictatorship as a result of successfully rigging the 2019 midterm elections and obtaining overwhelming control of Congress and the local governments. 

I have dared to say that Duterte is stubbornly on the road of establishing a fascist dictatorship through charter change and ensuring that he is succeeded by someone who can protect him from prosecution for his grave crimes against the people. Duterte is publicly saying ad nauseam that there must be charter change to give him absolute powers or else he would proclaim a “revolutionary government”.

My friends abroad have also asked me how the Filipino people are responding to Duterte’s scheme of fascist dictatorship. I am quick to point out that Duterte is truly hated by the people despite his incredible popularity ratings by paid poll surveys and the recent rigged elections. The people will certainly rise up as soon as Duterte pushes charter change to give himself absolute powers.

The people despise Duterte for waging a “war on drugs” that has murdered 30,000 poor people and that has installed himself as the supreme protector of drug lords and smugglers who continue to benefit from the expanded and thriving illegal drug trade. Close friends and relatives of Duterte have been exposed as key players in the illegal drug trade.

In considering his role in the illegal drug trade alone, Duterte has become the biggest crime lord and has converted the military and police as his private killing machines. Aside from the lopsided official transactions of his dummies with Chinese banks and corporations, he connives with Chinese criminal triads in the illegal drug trade, casinos and other criminal enterprises.

He has become the No. 1 corrupt official. He is the chieftain of his alliance with the biggest plunderers in the previous regimes of Marcos, Estrada and Arroyo. He has been in connivance with them in the 2016 and 2019 elections and in various major types of corruption involving his presidential office. He has caused the Supreme Court to junk the plunder cases and convictions of his allies and has let them go scotfree.

The Filipino people have gone through the historical experience of the 14-year Marcos fascist dictatorship. They remember that it was a time of unprecedented oppression and exploitation by a Filipino tyrant but it was also the time that the revolutionary forces grew from small and weak to big and strong.

The Filipino people are thoroughly disgusted with the tyrannical, treasonous, brutal, corrupt and mendacious character of the Duterte regime in the last three years. They hold Duterte responsible for the aggravation of the crisis of the semicolonial and semifeudal ruling system.
The crisis conditions abet and yet limit his capabilities for either coercing or deceiving the people. 

The broad masses of the people and even the overwhelming majority of government employees are outraged by the militarization of Duterte’s cabinet and civilian functions and the colossal amounts of public funds for intelligence, military equipment, military campaigns of suppression and doubling the salaries of soldiers and policemen under the slogan of “whole-nation approach” to end the revolutionary movement.

The social economy remains underdeveloped and stagnant, ever exploited by foreign monopoly capitalism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism. The people are groaning under the weight of soaring prices of basic commodities, joblessness, landlessness and low incomes perpetuated by the absence of genuine land reform and national industrialization, the system of landgrabbing, short-term work contracts and the rapid population growth.

The escalating acts of brutality and mass murder are driving the people to greater open resistance to the Duterte regime. Those who are most threatened by red-tagging, arrests and summary execution by the regime are finding their way to the urban underground and onward to the ranks of Red fighters in the people’s war in the countryside. 

The revolutionary movement is now far more extensive and deeper and is far more experienced and tempered than during the period of the Marcos fascist dictatorship. The armed revolutionary forces can actually move freely in 90 percent of the Philippines and can strike at will any weak point of the enemy forces. 

In contrast, the size and strength of the military, police and paramilitary forces of the Duterte regime cannot cover even only ten percent of the Philippine population and territory at any given time. Wherever they are, they engage in all kinds of abuses and atrocities, including extortion, mass murder, torture, arson and forced evacuations, and thus they incur the ire of the people.

The forces of the reactionary military are overconcentrated in Mindanao due to prolonged martial law. They can focus on only a few areas in the Visayas and Luzon. Their combat strength is further reduced by psy-war and intelligence operations under the pretexts of “peace and development” and “community support program” and by staging fake localized talks, fake surrenders and fake encounters.

The reactionary military officers take over civilian functions and civilian structures, including public schools, clinics and barangay halls. They are hated most when they red-tag people and murder them to be able to collect cash rewards and merits for fake encounters. They lay open and vulnerable to the tactical offensives of the people’s army the deployment of small detachments, checkpoints and patrols. They cannot avoid travelling single file on the highways and country roads.

In any particular area, where the reactionary military or police can concentrate and advance in superior strength, the targeted units of the people’s army retreat and observe the deployment of enemy units in order to determine their weak points. The enemy units ultimately become the targets of ambushes, raids and other guerrilla offensives. Thus they unwittingly transport and supply arms to the people’s army.

When the reactionary armed forces seek to encircle the forces of the people’s army, the latter have the options of counter-encircling the weak points of the former within the contested area or shifting to another area where the enemy forces are far weaker. Retreat for active defense and shifting of forces are tactics available to the people’s army to evade a superior enemy force and seek better circumstances for launching tactical offensives within the shortest span of time.

It is publicly well-known that while the people’s army gives full play to tactical offensives in order to seize weapons from the enemy, it can also engage in a wide range of actions that compel the enemy to be on the defensive, merely doing guard duty. Such actions include punitive missions against tyrannical and corrupt officials, harassing enemy camps, sniping, use of command-detonated explosives and the sabotage or destruction of enemy facilities.

Should the Duterte regime proclaim nationwide martial law as in 1972, outlaw all urban-based legal democratic forces critical of it and inflict violence on them, the revolutionary movement can be expected to intensify the people’s war and administer justice by arresting and punishing all human rights violators and plunderers, thus forcing the military and police to deploy more armed personnel for protection of these brutal and corrupt officials.

Common sense tells us (sharpened by theoretical and practical support from Marxism-Leninism-Maoism) that the Duterte regime cannot engage in red-tagging and acts of terror without facing fiercer responses from the armed revolutionary movement. Duterte cannot engage in the most brutal acts of butchery and bloodletting without facing the risk of drowning in the same sea of blood that he creates. This is a point that is easily understood by anyone from the developing situation in the Philippines.

So far according to published reports, the people’s army has carried out competently guerrilla warfare within the current strategic defensive of the people’s war. It has shown determination to wage only the battles that it is capable of winning. It is also increasingly heeding the clamor of the broad masses of the people for accelerated punitive actions against those reactionary officials who have incurred blood debts and plundered the economy and public resources.

Duterte’s threat of imposing a fascist dictatorship on the people through a nationwide martial rule and suppressing all democratic rights does not frighten the revolutionary forces of the people but pushes them to undertake punitive actions against the fascist dictator and his brutal and corrupt subalterns. The declaration of nationwide martial law in 1972 by the fascist dictator did not frighten the people and the revolutionary forces but emboldened them to strengthen their ranks and intensify the people’s war.###

Why Duterte wants to continue martial law in Mindanao

Photo by ROY LAGARDE

By Prof. Jose Maria Sison
NDFP Chief Political Consultant

Duterte and his ruling clique want to continue martial law in Mindanao for definite purposes, such as the following:

1. To pursue the policy of extrajudicial killings (mass murder) with utter impunity in order to suppress all opposition to the Duterte regime from intrasystemic critics and from the revolutionary forces of the people;

2. To use the military to control all branches and civilian agencies and abuse their powers and resources in order to coerce submission to the Duterte tyranny;

3. To grab land and natural resources from the Lumad, Bangsamoro and the poor peasants of all ethno-linguistic communities for the benefit of foreign and local mining, logging, plantation and real estate corporations;

4. To use martial law in Mindanao as a base for nationwide martial law, be it de facto or proclaimed and to effect fascist dictatorship through charter change or plain declaration of “revolutionary government” (counterrevolution); and 

5. To capture the votes of Mindanao (as in the 2019 mid-term elections) in forthcoming voting exercises like charter change referendum and election of officials.

In view of his criminal character and control of all branches of the reactionary government, Duterte can proceed to continue martial law on any scale and for any duration in order to realize fully his ambition of fascist dictatorship and to ensure the installation of a successor that will protect him from prosecution for his grave crimes of treason, tyranny, mass murder, plunder and electoral rigging.

On the United People’s SONA against Duterte’s SONA

By Jose Maria Sison 
NDFP Chief Political Consultant
July 23, 2019

I congratulate the tens of thousands of people and their organizations for braving the rains to participate in the United People’s SONA against Duterte’s SONA and express the needs and demands of the entire Filipino nation against the treasonous, tyrannical, brutal , corrupt and deceptive rule of Duterte and his rapacious clique.

Duterte’s SONA is a series of boasts and lies. At the very start, he boasts of his sham popularity conjured by paid poll surveys and the rigged mid-term election results and he threatens to continue his killing rampage by comparing himself to an ever fighting eagle determined to pounce on his powerless opponents to the end.

He continues with his pretense at fighting illegal drugs, crime and corruption. He cannot be farther from the truth because he has become the supreme protector of drug lords and drug smugglers, he has turned the police and military into his private army and main instruments of criminality and he has become the chieftain of an alliance of the most despicable plunderers.

He continues to promise falsely that he would raise the salaries of government employees. He makes it a point to give the public school teachers “a bit bigger” but far less than the doubling of salaries to ordinary soldiers and police personnel to bribe them to become his criminal instruments.

But he is at a loss as to how to raise the resources for raising salaries of all government employees, except by increasing the tax burden and raising the prices of basic commodities. By giving priority to doubling the salaries of armed personnel, he manifests a low regard for the public servants who render vital services, such as teachers, nurses, clerks and others.

He does not have any plan for developing the economy through national industrialization and genuine land reform. He avoids discussing the problems of decreasing production in manufacturing and agriculture, rising unemployment, low incomes and the practice of temporary or short-term low-wage work contracts.

He does not also have any plan to democratize the political system ruled by big comprador-landlord oligarchs and dynasties and dictated upon by imperialist powers. He is hellbent on aggravating his tyrannical rule and grabbing absolute powers through charter change and bogus federalism in order to establish a full-blown fascist dictatorship.

He refers to the National Task Force ELCAC in order to stress his US-aided scheme to destroy the revolutionary movement and his lack of interest in the peace process within the framework of The Hague Joint Declaration. He is using the all-out war against the revolutionary forces and people to accomplish his drive for fascist dictatorship

Duterte discredits himself most by speaking as the apologist for China, trying to scare the Filipino people with the threat of war from China, claiming falsely that China is already in possession of the entire West Philippine Sea (not only the seven artificial islands) and insisting that the Filipino people are helpless. Once more, he exposes himself shamelessly as a traitor and paid agent of China by conceding the Philippine sovereign rights to China.

Duterte makes clear in his SONA that he has no intention of leaving a legacy other than the ignominious end of his treasonous, tyrannical, brutal, corrupt and mendacious rule. He practically goads the people to engage in all forms of struggle and keep on rising up in greater numbers.
In this regard, the United People’s SONA is a signal for bigger mass protest actions.

The broad united front against the Duterte tyranny hopes that gigantic mass actions will arise to sway patriotic elements in the reactionary military and police to withdraw support from him. At the same time, the oppressed and exploited masses or workers are most desirous of greater advances and victories of the armed revolutionary movement in order to change the entire ruling system. ###

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