On Duterte’s scheme of fascist dictatorship and the growing people’s resistance


By Jose Maria Sison, NDFP Chief Political Consultant
July 29, 2019

Friends among academics, journalists and political activists have repeatedly asked me whether Duterte is proceeding to establish a fascist dictatorship as a result of successfully rigging the 2019 midterm elections and obtaining overwhelming control of Congress and the local governments. 

I have dared to say that Duterte is stubbornly on the road of establishing a fascist dictatorship through charter change and ensuring that he is succeeded by someone who can protect him from prosecution for his grave crimes against the people. Duterte is publicly saying ad nauseam that there must be charter change to give him absolute powers or else he would proclaim a “revolutionary government”.

My friends abroad have also asked me how the Filipino people are responding to Duterte’s scheme of fascist dictatorship. I am quick to point out that Duterte is truly hated by the people despite his incredible popularity ratings by paid poll surveys and the recent rigged elections. The people will certainly rise up as soon as Duterte pushes charter change to give himself absolute powers.

The people despise Duterte for waging a “war on drugs” that has murdered 30,000 poor people and that has installed himself as the supreme protector of drug lords and smugglers who continue to benefit from the expanded and thriving illegal drug trade. Close friends and relatives of Duterte have been exposed as key players in the illegal drug trade.

In considering his role in the illegal drug trade alone, Duterte has become the biggest crime lord and has converted the military and police as his private killing machines. Aside from the lopsided official transactions of his dummies with Chinese banks and corporations, he connives with Chinese criminal triads in the illegal drug trade, casinos and other criminal enterprises.

He has become the No. 1 corrupt official. He is the chieftain of his alliance with the biggest plunderers in the previous regimes of Marcos, Estrada and Arroyo. He has been in connivance with them in the 2016 and 2019 elections and in various major types of corruption involving his presidential office. He has caused the Supreme Court to junk the plunder cases and convictions of his allies and has let them go scotfree.

The Filipino people have gone through the historical experience of the 14-year Marcos fascist dictatorship. They remember that it was a time of unprecedented oppression and exploitation by a Filipino tyrant but it was also the time that the revolutionary forces grew from small and weak to big and strong.

The Filipino people are thoroughly disgusted with the tyrannical, treasonous, brutal, corrupt and mendacious character of the Duterte regime in the last three years. They hold Duterte responsible for the aggravation of the crisis of the semicolonial and semifeudal ruling system.
The crisis conditions abet and yet limit his capabilities for either coercing or deceiving the people. 

The broad masses of the people and even the overwhelming majority of government employees are outraged by the militarization of Duterte’s cabinet and civilian functions and the colossal amounts of public funds for intelligence, military equipment, military campaigns of suppression and doubling the salaries of soldiers and policemen under the slogan of “whole-nation approach” to end the revolutionary movement.

The social economy remains underdeveloped and stagnant, ever exploited by foreign monopoly capitalism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism. The people are groaning under the weight of soaring prices of basic commodities, joblessness, landlessness and low incomes perpetuated by the absence of genuine land reform and national industrialization, the system of landgrabbing, short-term work contracts and the rapid population growth.

The escalating acts of brutality and mass murder are driving the people to greater open resistance to the Duterte regime. Those who are most threatened by red-tagging, arrests and summary execution by the regime are finding their way to the urban underground and onward to the ranks of Red fighters in the people’s war in the countryside. 

The revolutionary movement is now far more extensive and deeper and is far more experienced and tempered than during the period of the Marcos fascist dictatorship. The armed revolutionary forces can actually move freely in 90 percent of the Philippines and can strike at will any weak point of the enemy forces. 

In contrast, the size and strength of the military, police and paramilitary forces of the Duterte regime cannot cover even only ten percent of the Philippine population and territory at any given time. Wherever they are, they engage in all kinds of abuses and atrocities, including extortion, mass murder, torture, arson and forced evacuations, and thus they incur the ire of the people.

The forces of the reactionary military are overconcentrated in Mindanao due to prolonged martial law. They can focus on only a few areas in the Visayas and Luzon. Their combat strength is further reduced by psy-war and intelligence operations under the pretexts of “peace and development” and “community support program” and by staging fake localized talks, fake surrenders and fake encounters.

The reactionary military officers take over civilian functions and civilian structures, including public schools, clinics and barangay halls. They are hated most when they red-tag people and murder them to be able to collect cash rewards and merits for fake encounters. They lay open and vulnerable to the tactical offensives of the people’s army the deployment of small detachments, checkpoints and patrols. They cannot avoid travelling single file on the highways and country roads.

In any particular area, where the reactionary military or police can concentrate and advance in superior strength, the targeted units of the people’s army retreat and observe the deployment of enemy units in order to determine their weak points. The enemy units ultimately become the targets of ambushes, raids and other guerrilla offensives. Thus they unwittingly transport and supply arms to the people’s army.

When the reactionary armed forces seek to encircle the forces of the people’s army, the latter have the options of counter-encircling the weak points of the former within the contested area or shifting to another area where the enemy forces are far weaker. Retreat for active defense and shifting of forces are tactics available to the people’s army to evade a superior enemy force and seek better circumstances for launching tactical offensives within the shortest span of time.

It is publicly well-known that while the people’s army gives full play to tactical offensives in order to seize weapons from the enemy, it can also engage in a wide range of actions that compel the enemy to be on the defensive, merely doing guard duty. Such actions include punitive missions against tyrannical and corrupt officials, harassing enemy camps, sniping, use of command-detonated explosives and the sabotage or destruction of enemy facilities.

Should the Duterte regime proclaim nationwide martial law as in 1972, outlaw all urban-based legal democratic forces critical of it and inflict violence on them, the revolutionary movement can be expected to intensify the people’s war and administer justice by arresting and punishing all human rights violators and plunderers, thus forcing the military and police to deploy more armed personnel for protection of these brutal and corrupt officials.

Common sense tells us (sharpened by theoretical and practical support from Marxism-Leninism-Maoism) that the Duterte regime cannot engage in red-tagging and acts of terror without facing fiercer responses from the armed revolutionary movement. Duterte cannot engage in the most brutal acts of butchery and bloodletting without facing the risk of drowning in the same sea of blood that he creates. This is a point that is easily understood by anyone from the developing situation in the Philippines.

So far according to published reports, the people’s army has carried out competently guerrilla warfare within the current strategic defensive of the people’s war. It has shown determination to wage only the battles that it is capable of winning. It is also increasingly heeding the clamor of the broad masses of the people for accelerated punitive actions against those reactionary officials who have incurred blood debts and plundered the economy and public resources.

Duterte’s threat of imposing a fascist dictatorship on the people through a nationwide martial rule and suppressing all democratic rights does not frighten the revolutionary forces of the people but pushes them to undertake punitive actions against the fascist dictator and his brutal and corrupt subalterns. The declaration of nationwide martial law in 1972 by the fascist dictator did not frighten the people and the revolutionary forces but emboldened them to strengthen their ranks and intensify the people’s war.###

Why Duterte wants to continue martial law in Mindanao


By Prof. Jose Maria Sison
NDFP Chief Political Consultant

Duterte and his ruling clique want to continue martial law in Mindanao for definite purposes, such as the following:

1. To pursue the policy of extrajudicial killings (mass murder) with utter impunity in order to suppress all opposition to the Duterte regime from intrasystemic critics and from the revolutionary forces of the people;

2. To use the military to control all branches and civilian agencies and abuse their powers and resources in order to coerce submission to the Duterte tyranny;

3. To grab land and natural resources from the Lumad, Bangsamoro and the poor peasants of all ethno-linguistic communities for the benefit of foreign and local mining, logging, plantation and real estate corporations;

4. To use martial law in Mindanao as a base for nationwide martial law, be it de facto or proclaimed and to effect fascist dictatorship through charter change or plain declaration of “revolutionary government” (counterrevolution); and 

5. To capture the votes of Mindanao (as in the 2019 mid-term elections) in forthcoming voting exercises like charter change referendum and election of officials.

In view of his criminal character and control of all branches of the reactionary government, Duterte can proceed to continue martial law on any scale and for any duration in order to realize fully his ambition of fascist dictatorship and to ensure the installation of a successor that will protect him from prosecution for his grave crimes of treason, tyranny, mass murder, plunder and electoral rigging.

On the United People’s SONA against Duterte’s SONA

By Jose Maria Sison 
NDFP Chief Political Consultant
July 23, 2019

I congratulate the tens of thousands of people and their organizations for braving the rains to participate in the United People’s SONA against Duterte’s SONA and express the needs and demands of the entire Filipino nation against the treasonous, tyrannical, brutal , corrupt and deceptive rule of Duterte and his rapacious clique.

Duterte’s SONA is a series of boasts and lies. At the very start, he boasts of his sham popularity conjured by paid poll surveys and the rigged mid-term election results and he threatens to continue his killing rampage by comparing himself to an ever fighting eagle determined to pounce on his powerless opponents to the end.

He continues with his pretense at fighting illegal drugs, crime and corruption. He cannot be farther from the truth because he has become the supreme protector of drug lords and drug smugglers, he has turned the police and military into his private army and main instruments of criminality and he has become the chieftain of an alliance of the most despicable plunderers.

He continues to promise falsely that he would raise the salaries of government employees. He makes it a point to give the public school teachers “a bit bigger” but far less than the doubling of salaries to ordinary soldiers and police personnel to bribe them to become his criminal instruments.

But he is at a loss as to how to raise the resources for raising salaries of all government employees, except by increasing the tax burden and raising the prices of basic commodities. By giving priority to doubling the salaries of armed personnel, he manifests a low regard for the public servants who render vital services, such as teachers, nurses, clerks and others.

He does not have any plan for developing the economy through national industrialization and genuine land reform. He avoids discussing the problems of decreasing production in manufacturing and agriculture, rising unemployment, low incomes and the practice of temporary or short-term low-wage work contracts.

He does not also have any plan to democratize the political system ruled by big comprador-landlord oligarchs and dynasties and dictated upon by imperialist powers. He is hellbent on aggravating his tyrannical rule and grabbing absolute powers through charter change and bogus federalism in order to establish a full-blown fascist dictatorship.

He refers to the National Task Force ELCAC in order to stress his US-aided scheme to destroy the revolutionary movement and his lack of interest in the peace process within the framework of The Hague Joint Declaration. He is using the all-out war against the revolutionary forces and people to accomplish his drive for fascist dictatorship

Duterte discredits himself most by speaking as the apologist for China, trying to scare the Filipino people with the threat of war from China, claiming falsely that China is already in possession of the entire West Philippine Sea (not only the seven artificial islands) and insisting that the Filipino people are helpless. Once more, he exposes himself shamelessly as a traitor and paid agent of China by conceding the Philippine sovereign rights to China.

Duterte makes clear in his SONA that he has no intention of leaving a legacy other than the ignominious end of his treasonous, tyrannical, brutal, corrupt and mendacious rule. He practically goads the people to engage in all forms of struggle and keep on rising up in greater numbers.
In this regard, the United People’s SONA is a signal for bigger mass protest actions.

The broad united front against the Duterte tyranny hopes that gigantic mass actions will arise to sway patriotic elements in the reactionary military and police to withdraw support from him. At the same time, the oppressed and exploited masses or workers are most desirous of greater advances and victories of the armed revolutionary movement in order to change the entire ruling system. ###

Comment on the growing complications of Duterte’s puppetry to two imperialist powers

By Jose Maria Sison, NDFP Chief Political Consultant

The affirmation of the freedom of navigation of the US and all countries in the high seas of the South China Sea runs counter to the claim of China that it owns those high seas and that the artificial islands it has illegally built and militarized in the exclusive economic zone of the Philippines also generate Chinese territorial sea.

That the representatives of the Philippines and the US can make such affirmation has certain implications and consequences, like the following: Duterte cannot evade the UNCLOS and international law and the assertion of the freedom of navigation by the US and other countries and consequently China is going to demand from Duterte fulfillment of his promise to sell out Philippine sovereign rights in exchange for the commissions and other payoffs for himself and his ruling clique.

In the meantime, the competition of the US and China in using Duterte is heating up at the expense of the Filipino people. The US has gotten a joint affirmation with the Philippines in favor of its freedom of navigation. But despite US security warnings, Duterte has agreed to let China Telecom and Huawei control the Philippine communications system.

And of course China is still on track in trying to turn the Philippines into a debt colony through high interest loans and overpriced infrastructure projects and to get the trillions of dollars worth of gas and oil resources in the exclusive economic zone in the West Philippine Sea through a lopsided exploration and exploitation agreement.

Duterte is vulnerable to a withdrawal of support by a combination of patriotic and pro-US military officers because of the growing discontent of the Filipino people over Duterte’s crimes of treason, tyranny, mass murder and corruption. They are strongly offended by the treasonous sell-out of Philippine sovereign rights to China by Duterte.

As in the ouster of Marcos and Estrada, gigantic protest mass actions can encourage said military officers to withdraw support from Duterte before he can satisfy the US on his promises to destroy the revolutionary movement or allow by charter change foreign corporations to have 100 per cent ownership of Philippine land, natural resources and all types of businesses.

Related news:

US, PH reaffirm freedom of navigation in SCS

Vera Files

How Duterte serves two imperialist masters and offends the people until his ignoble end

By Jose Maria Sison, NDFP Chief Political Consultant
July 15, 2019

The tyrant Duterte recognizes that the US is still the most dominant imperialist power in the Philippines and does not to dare to offend it in any serious way. The US is privileged and well-entrenched by a comprehensive range of unequal treaties, agreements and arrangements that give it full-spectrum dominance (economic, social, political, military and cultural).

It is not true that the Duterte regime has become independent of the US. It is even more untrue that it is opposed to the US. It is a puppet regime dependent for its tyranny and mass murder of poor people on a military and police force indoctrinated, trained and armed by the US.

Duterte has proven his puppetry to the US by scuttling the GRP-NDFP peace negotiations and pledging to it the destruction of the revolutionary movement. He has assured the US of charter change to allow US and other foreign corporations 100 percent ownership of land, natural resources in all types of businesses. 

Thus, the Duterte regime continues to receive military aid under Operation Pacific Eagle-Philippines in the name of “anti-terrorism” and beyond US congressional oversight. It still maintains close economic and financial relations with the US, the IMF, World Bank and the WTO and subjects the Philippines to a neoliberal policy regime.

The US estimates that Duterte is still more of an asset than a liability and that there is yet no urgent need to change him as when Marcos outlived his usefulness to the US in 1986. The US keeps in reserve the issue of human rights violations as potential cause for junking him when the Filipino people rise up to a certain high point and when he thereby becomes more of a liability than an asset.

The US appears to tolerate Duterte in trying to enrich his own family and cronies by taking commissions and other payoffs from onerous loans and overpriced infrastructure projects from China and by keeping shady relations with the Chinese criminal triads engaged in illegal drug smuggling and in gambling.

But the US has no choice but to consider seriously how threatening to its interest is China’s drive to turn the Philippines into a debt colony and field of investment and to have at the same time the artificial islands China has built in the Philippine exclusive economic zone (EEZ) as its military bases in the West Philippine Sea.

The US observes that China is making a big headway into the Philippines with the collaboration of Duterte who has exposed himself as a traitor and paid agent of China by deliberately refusing to enforce the judgment of the Arbitral Tribunal in favor of the Philippines under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea against the false ownership claims of China over 90 percent of the South China Sea.

The exposure of Duterte as a traitor and paid agent of China is one more potential cause for the US to instruct the pro-US military and police officers to withdraw support from him at the time and circumstances it chooses.

The broad masses of the Filipino people are already outraged by Duterte’s failure to take the appropriate diplomatic steps to consolidate the legal victory of the Philippines against China since the judgment of the Arbitral Tribunal on July 12, 2016. They are deeply insulted by Duterte’s constant attempt to scare them with war by China.

Duterte has failed to follow the advice of Supreme Court Justice Antonio Carpio for the Philippines to make agreements with Vietnam and Malaysia to define the boundaries of their extended continental shelves and to ask the UN Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf to confirm the boundaries of the Philippine continental shelf west of Luzon.

Duterte has also failed to go to the UN and the appropriate courts to complain against the transgressions of China in the Philippine EEZ in the West Philippine Sea and to demand justice and compensation for the building of artificial islands and the destruction of the marine environment.

Instead, Duterte does not conceal his self-serving and traitorous scheme to surrender to China the rich marine resources as well as the trillions of dollars worth of oil, gas and other mineral resources in the Philippine EEZ in the West Philippine Sea. These resources are vital for the sustenance and development of the Philippines.

It is in the interest of the US and all other countries of the world to have the freedom of navigation in the high seas of the South China Sea and to e secure from any harassment, interference, threat or attack from Chinese military forces that are illegally occupying the artificial islands built in the Philippine EEZ.

It is a source of wonder why the Duterte regime and the US government have not combined strongly enough to complain against China’s violation of the sovereign rights of the Philippines and have not formally invoked against China the US-RP Mutual Defense Treaty even only as a warning or deterrent to any act of aggression.

As much as the US has not shown any inclination to wage war with China over the West Philippine Sea, China has so far shied away from threatening to wage war with the US and the Philippines because this would completely negate China’s line of peaceful rise. China is also known to fear internal economic and political instability, especially at this time that the US has instigated a “trade war” with it, abandoning the many decades of US-Sino collaboration in pushing neoliberal globalization.

There are times to focus on issues against US imperialism. And there are also times to focus on issues against Chinese imperialism. Thus, there is currently a focus on the issue of the West Philippine Sea vis-a-vis China. This is an urgent issue that cries out for a patriotic stand and action. Otherwise the corrupt Duterte regime would have a free hand in selling out Philippine sovereign rights to China. It is necessary to assert the Filipino people’s sovereign rights under the UNCLOS and international law and it is even permissible to avail of US-Sino contradictions in order to uphold such sovereign rights.

It is safe to predict that the Duterte regime will meet an ignominious end as a result of its gross and systematic human rights violations, its acts of treason in puppetry to two imperialist powers, unprecedented corruption, economic plunder and so many grievous crimes that are now inciting the people to rise up in defense of their national sovereignty and democratic rights and in pursuit of social justice and all round development.

As in the fall of the fascist dictator Marcos in 1986, the disgraceful end of Duterte is bound to come when gigantic mass actions of the people shake the ruling system from base to rafters and his own military subordinates withdraw support from him either upon instruction of the US and/or upon their own sense of patriotism and desire to shake off the indignity of being the instrument of Duterte’s tyranny and treason. ###

Duterte is ahead in expressing fear of coup, which is indeed probable due to his crimes


By Jose Maria Sison
NDFP Chief Political Consultant
July 9, 2019

The invectives frenziedly thrown against me by Duterte’s political, military and troll agents for my observation about the possibility of a US-directed coup against Duterte unwittingly hit Duterte instead of me.

Duterte himself has been the one publicly asserting repeatedly that he is in danger of being overthrown by a coup and has in fact pleaded to his own military officers not to launch a coup but simply ask him to step down. 

If they believe themselves, my detractors should directly address Duterte as insane, cowardly, out of touch and engaged in wishful thinking. The political and military agents of Duterte even pretend to be unaware that Duterte is boasting of China’s protection to keep himself in power against pro-US military officers.

It is not my claim that Duterte is subject to an impending coup. But a coup is always potential and probable because the reactionary armed forces, while usually servile to the president, are still indoctrinated, trained and armed as puppets by US imperialism. If Marcos could be overthrown by a people’s uprising accompanied by withdrawal of military support, why not the tyrant and corrupt Duterte? 

In my statement, I clearly pointed out that while the biggest puppet Duterte and his cabal are allowed to take bribes in shady deals with with China and the Chinese triads, the US is still using Duterte and the reactionary armed forces in a futile attempt to destroy the people’s revolutionary movement and to make charter change for the 100 percent ownership of land, natural resources and all types of businesses by US corporations.

I have also pointed out that Duterte has a diminishing value to the US and can become more of a liability than an asset and can be junked by the US like Marcos who used to appear to enjoy the total servility of the reactionary armed forces and the police.

Contrary to the paid hype of his eternally rising popularity, Duterte is vulnerable to the people’s mass uprisings due to their discontent over his policies and acts of tyranny, treason, mass murder, corruption, soaring prices of basic commodities, unemployment, low incomes and other problems caused and aggravated by him.

Duterte is also vulnerable to the continuing rise of the people’s armed revolutionary movement, the contradictions among his own political and military subordinates and to the escalating US-China political rivalry and economic competition. ###

Duterte’s use of anti-communism and anti-terrorism for the fascist suppression of the Filipino people

By Jose Maria Sison
NDFP Chief Political Consultant
July 6, 2019

A close reading of Executive Order No. 70, signed by Duterte on December 4, 2018 in order to create the National Task Force to End the Local Communist Armed Conflict, shows that it is a major step of his tyrannical rule to realize the imposition of a full-blown fascist dictatorship on the Filipino people and to reassure the US that he is still its puppet even if he makes a fast buck on the side from shady deals with China and the Chinese criminal triads.

Duterte’s order uses the expression “whole nation” approach. This is but a rehash of the long discredited and failed catchphrases, such as “total war” and “whole government” approach used by previous regimes to mean all-out war against the revolutionary movement of the people. But Duterte and his task force wish to wage psywar and mass murder on an unprecedented scale, even surpassing the standards of repression set by his idol Marcos.

The implementation of the order has proven its repulsive murderous and deceptive character and its antipeople and antidemocratic objectives. In touting what it deceptively calls a “whole nation” approach, the Duterte regime is doggedly trying to militarize the Duterte cabinet and entire reactionary government in order to turn the entire Filipino nation against itself and serve the interests of the imperialists and local exploiting classes under the pretext of anticommunism and anti-terrorism.

The tyrannical and terrorist regime seeks in vain to misrepresent and demonize the forces of the armed revolutionary movement and at the same time to tag and brand the forces and activists of the legal democratic movement of patriotic and progressive forces as “communist” and “terrorist”. Going to the extreme of absurdity, the regime blames both types of forces as the causes of underdevelopment, poverty and armed conflict.

The uppermost counterrevolutionary objective of the regime is to preserve the semicolonal and semifeudal ruling system in which foreign monopoly capitalism, domestic feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism exploit and oppress the people and to discredit, isolate and destroy all the national and democratic forces that fight for the national and social liberation of the Filipino nation and people.

The Duterte regime is using E.O 70 to militarize all branches and agencies of the reactionary government, the state educational and communications system, all nongovernmental institutions and organizations in order to terrorize the people and impose fascist rule on the entire Filipino people under the long-discredited Cold War and McCarthyite shibboleth of anti-communism and the latter-day Bushite pretense of anti-terrorism.

The Duterte regime’s methods for trying to suppress the legal democratic forces and the revolutionary movement of the people are similar to those employed in Oplan Tokhang in the bogus war on drugs. Scare tactics are used to exact mass compliance, compel barangay officials to list up poor people as drug addicts and pushers and subsequently use the list for murdering people by the tens of thousands. 

General Año, the notorious butcher head of the Department of the Interior and Local Government (DILG), has ordered the local governments to list down rebel suspects, give the list to the death squads for action, hold fake surrender meetings and declare as persona non grata the revolutionary forces as well as the patriotic and progressive organizations. But he has failed miserably to discourage the people from participating and supporting the revolutionary movement despite the fanfare he tries to stir up in the press.

At all levels of the reactionary government, the regime’s political and military agents terrorize communities, organizations or individuals deemed as opposed to or critical of the regime by red-tagging them and branding them as communist, waging psywar campaigns against them and subjecting them to all forms of punitive measures, including harassments, arbitrary arrest on trumped up charges or planted evidence of firearms and explosives, extortion, torture, murder, bombing and arson, forced evacuation and “hamletting”.

Under the so-called Oplan Kapayapaan, now reframed and renamed as Oplan Kapanatagan to combine and synchronize the AFP and PNP as machines of mass murder, the reactionary military and police officers are being corrupted by Duterte with discretionary funds for murdering rebel suspects in fake encounters, for staging fake surrenders under the Enhanced Comprehensive Local Integration Program and for arranging token projects and dole-outs under the Pamana Program, Peace and Development Program and Community Support Program.

Duterte’s military, police and paramilitary units have extremely limited capacity to deceive the people with token delivery of social services and dole-outs because the programs they operate are encumbered by corruption at various levels. Moreover, the pretenses at civic action or real acts of militarizing civilian functions are discredited by the atrocities being committed by the same or by other military and police units. In the first place, the economic, social and political conditions are rapidly worsening under the crisis-stricken ruling system. 

After sabotaging the GRP-NDFP peace negotiations and terminating them completely, Duterte and his sidekick General Galvez, his supposed presidential adviser, have utterly failed to realize their scheme of dividing the revolutionary movement through so-called localized peace talks which are preconditioned on surrender and self-humiliation. Since the announcement of the shallow deceptive scheme, all leading organs of the CPP and commands of the NPA at various levels have rebuffed the scheme and vowed to intensify the people’s war.

The Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process has become a worse hotbed of corruption and bureaucratic intrigue than ever before. Its open function now is to prevent peace negotiations within the framework of the The Hague Joint Declaration, avoid addressing the basic roots of the armed conflict and use the false claim of localized peace negotiations to escalate the armed conflict, seek the total destruction of the people’s revolutionary movement by military means and support the imposition of fascist dictatorship on the Filipino people.

The broad masses of the Filipino people are fighting back against the tyrannical, treasonous, terrorist and corrupt Duterte regime. The anti-imperialist and democratic forces and the broad masses of the people in the Philippines are resolutely and vigorously exposing and opposing the regime’s gross and systematic violation of human rights in the civil, political, socioeconomic and cultural fields.

As in the time of the Marcos fascist dictatorship, the tyrannical and terrorist Duterte regime is unwittingly and practically forcing social activists and other people to join the armed revolution by threatening them with abduction and murder and is generating a public clamor for armed partisan and commando operations against the worst human rights violators and plunderers to obtain justice for the aggrieved people.

The tyrant and terrorist Duterte is now being widely ridiculed as having unwittingly become the No. 1 recruiter and No. 1 supply and transport officer of the people’s army by oppressing and exploiting the people and sending his armed minions to the countryside for annihilation in the people’s war.

The revolutionary forces in the countryside and urban underground have been tempered in more than 50 years of revolutionary struggle and have built strength in an extensive and deepgoing way among the people, especially the toiling masses. 

According to their publications, the revolutionary forces of the people are intensifying the people’s war, carrying out social programs for the benefit of the people and building a people’s democratic government mainly in the countryside. ###