Duterte Regime Is Mixed up and Vulnerable

But President Duterte cannot be underestimated.

By Prof. Jose Maria Sison
Chairperson, International League of Peoples’ Struggle
Chief Political Consultant, National Democratic Front of the Philippines

Source: Telesurtv.net»

Photo by Ezra Acayan / Reuters


As he is about to finish the first year of his 6-year term of office in June, Philippine President Rodrigo Roa Duterte is being assessed and evaluated by a broad spectrum of commentators in terms of performance and fulfillment of promises. His trust rating in poll surveys is still relatively high but this has begun to erode noticeably from the 80 percent peak of his popularity upon his election by a plurality vote of 38 per cent or 16 million of the electorate in May last year.

Those who continue to support him assert that performance in a year is not enough basis for a final judgment and that there is more than enough time ahead for him to accomplish promises that have most impressed them, such as the eradication of the drug problem, criminality, and corruption. In recent days, President Duterte has, in fact, pleaded that he needs three or four more years to bring about the significant changes that he previously thought would be done in six months’ time. His promised campaign against the pork barrel and other forms of corruption of the defunct B. S. Aquino regime has not yet materialized.

Photo: Thomson Reuters

Where he has been most successful at, projecting himself as a strong leader by calling on the police and the public to kill drug addict-pushers, he has attracted the most severe and sustained condemnation by institutions, the mass organizations, the human rights formations, various churches, major mass media and respected personages in the Philippines and abroad. These detractors allege on the basis of mass media reports and police records that 7000 to 10,000 extra-judicial killings have been perpetrated in violation of human rights and with impunity by the police and by police-directed vigilantes. The victims are overwhelmingly poor people in urban slum areas. Thus, there is a growing complaint that the drug lords and the governors and generals involved in the drug trade have been spared.

A publicly known group of retired and active military officers called the Magdalo has backed up the motion to impeach Duterte from office. Knowing that the motion would not prosper against Duterte’s “super-majority” in Congress, the group claims to lay the ground for the eventual prosecution and trial of Duterte before the International Criminal Court under the Rome Statute. But most threatening to the Duterte regime is a secret movement among military and police officers who are probably linked to the “yellows” (pro-Aquino political opposition) and are complaining against the system of giving cash rewards to police officers and vigilantes for accomplishing murder missions. They aver that such reward system is corrupting the armed services and destroying their reputation and professional standards.

Photo from GMANetwork.com

They are emboldened to wage an anti-Duterte campaign because U.S. officials and the European Commission have criticized the Duterte regime and threatened to impose certain sanctions. Most recently, the representatives of 45 out of 47 governments in the UN Human Rights Commission universal periodic review of the human rights situation have urged the Philippine government to investigate the alleged extrajudicial killings. In turn, the Duterte regime has expressed fears that the dissenting military and police officers are engaged in a coup plot. To counter the coup threat, Duterte has appointed to his cabinet more retired military officers whom he considers personally loyal to him. But the United States is still the master of the coup through its Central Intelligence Agency and the Defense Intelligence Agency in the Philippines.

Aside from the vulnerability of the regime to charges of mass murder, the crisis of the Philippine ruling system and the world capitalist system is ever worsening to the detriment of the Filipino people. The deterioration of the economy is underway to undermine and isolate the regime in the forthcoming year. Foreign exchange remittances from overseas contract workers are slowing down. The export of raw material and semi-manufactures has plunged amidst the global depression.

Credit from Western sources is tightening. The foreign exchange reserves are decreasing. The peso is being devalued in view of a large public debt. Portfolio investments have been flowing out since 2014. While the debt-driven and import-dependent service sector is growing, agriculture and manufacturing have declining shares in the gross domestic product. The prices of staple food and other basic commodities are rising, while regular employment and real wages are decreasing. Social services are becoming more expensive and the public utilities are breaking down.

But President Duterte cannot be underestimated. He describes his government as “inclusive” by mixing up cabinet members from different political and economic persuasions. He is known for his political skills at talking or acting in the style of the Left, Center and Right, whichever serves him best from moment to moment. He has appointed some patriotic and progressive elements to his Cabinet while surrounding them with an overwhelming majority of Rightists and an increasing number of retired military officers.

He has released political prisoners of high caliber, although he has held back from releasing all political prisoners who are being held in violation of the GRP-NDFP Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL). When patriotic and progressive mass organizations hold protests in front of the presidential palace, he invites the leaders for discussion and expresses support and sympathy. In a recent symbolic act, he went out of the palace to meet and mingle with the peasant protesters who demanded land reform. He denounced the landed oligarchs and expressed support to the protests.

To gain support from the reactionary armed forces, he has used strong words against the New People’s Army whenever he visits military camps and casualties in funeral parlors and hospitals and he has arrived at an all-out war policy against the revolutionary movement. But keenly aware of the popular demand for a just and lasting peace, he has manifested willingness to continue the peace negotiations between the Government of Republic of the Philippines (GRP) and the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP)

The NDFP, which represents the Communist Party of the Philippines, the New People’s Army and 16 other revolutionary organizations, continues to consider the peace negotiations as the way to test and find out what Duterte means by wishing to be the first Left president of the Philippines, agreeing to negotiate social, economic and political reforms to address the roots of the civil war and pursuing an independent foreign policy in a multipolar world. The patriotic and progressive forces and the broad masses of the people support the peace negotiations.

Only a few but powerful who may be described as the pro-U.S., ultra-Right wish to spoil the peace negotiations. They wish to precondition the peace negotiations with a ceasefire that is protracted and indefinite, push the revolutionary forces towards capitulation and pacification and lay aside the substantive agenda of social, economic and political reforms. They wish the Commission on Appointments of Congress to remove from the Duterte Cabinet the patriotic and progressive elements who are in positions to help in the implementation of agreed reforms in the peace negotiations.

The NDFP is observing whether Duterte has the political will and the leadership to direct the GRP Negotiating Panel to come to terms with its NDFP counterpart on social and economic reforms band then on political and constitutional reforms before the end of hostilities and the disposition of the armed forces of both sides can be negotiated. The Comprehensive Agreement on Social and Economic Reforms (CASER) is the “meat” of the entire peace negotiations. The NDFP has demanded national industrialization and genuine land reform. The Comprehensive Agreement on Political and Constitutional Reforms determines what authority and how all the reforms shall be implemented. The NDFP has offered to co-found with the GRP the Federal Republic of the Philippines in order to override the current existence of two governments, one reactionary, and the other revolutionary, which are belligerent forces in the civil war that started in 1969.

So long as the GRP-NDFP peace negotiations are moving forward from one round of formal talks to another, we can watch unfold the positions of the Duterte government and NDFP and whether or not the two sides can make the necessary comprehensive agreements to put into effect the reforms that are necessary for a just and lasting peace. The fifth round of formal talks shall be held in Noordwik aan Zee in The Netherlands from May 27 to June 2, 2017. The focus shall be on the demand for the release of nearly 400 political prisoners listed by the NDFP in accordance with CARHRIHL, the further negotiation of CASER and the question of a ceasefire.

Prof. Jose Maria Sison is Chairperson of the International League of Peoples’ Struggle and Chief Political Consultant, National Democratic Front of the Philippines.

On the appointment of more military generals to the Duterte cabinet

Communist Party of the Philippines
May 12, 2017

The Filipino people are not laughing at GRP President Duterte’s supposed joke about forming or letting a military junta take over government after having appointed more ex-military generals to key posts in his cabinet.

Duterte’s joke must be severely criticized. It smacks of contempt of the hardships, oppression and military abuses which the Filipino people were subjected to under the 1972-1986 military dictatorship of Marcos and his military and police clique, as well as under the successive AFP oplan wars of suppression from Oplan Lambat Bitag up to the current Oplan Kapayapaan.

The recent appointment of Palparan-trained Gen. Eduardo Año, current Chief-of-Staff of the AFP, as secretary of the Department of Interior and Local Government is a shameless act against the thousands of victims of his reign of terror. By heading the DILG, he is set to further enrich himself through bureaucrat capitalist corruption, as he has done in the military.

Año’s appointment to the DILG comes at the heels of the appointment of another former AFP chief-of-staff Gen. Roy Cimatu (of the notorious “pabaon” scam) to the environment department. Cimatu was among the key implementors of Oplan Bantay Laya under the Arroyo regime and its spree of extra-judicial killings against activists. Among the most numerous victims of the Arroyo regime were those who stood against mining operations. Cimatu was among the pioneer implementors of the “investment defense force”, special units of the AFP that are being funded by mining companies.

There are now at least ten former military officers appointed to key positions under the Duterte regime. Indeed, the military clique is now among the biggest inside the Duterte government. These military officers are mostly fascist and pro-US zealots who have long defended the neo-colonial state. They are the strongest pillar of US domination within the Duterte regime.

The dominance of the military clique inside the Duterte cabinet casts a long shadow on the NDFP-GRP peace negotiations. Over the past months, it has been former military officials Delfin Lorenzana and Hermogenes Esperon, defense secretary and national security adviser respectively, who have been the most virulent against the peace negotiations. Lorenzana has gone to the extent of openly standing against the Duterte regime’s policy of peace talks. He has issued statements and threats against peace negotiations.

Lorenzana and his military ilk are US stooges who do not wish peace negotiations to progress towards agreements on substantive reforms which may go against US economic, political and military dominance.

The dominance of the military clique under the Duterte regime, combined with Duterte’s authoritarian rhetoric, raises the level of impunity of military forces in the conduct of their campaigns of suppression. With former military officers at the helm of the Duterte government, anticipate a new wave of attacks against activists, advocates of the interests of the toiling masses and defenders of the country’s environment and patrimony against foreign and big bourgeois plunder.

Over the past few months, there has been an all-out campaign of killings against peasant activists and aerial bombings of rural communities where people have actively struggled for genuine land reform and resisted landgrabbing by big landlords, mining companies and big plantations.

The military clique combines with the pro-imperialist advocates of neoliberal policies in the Duterte government in pushing for the removal of two cabinet members who come from the Left. They have already succeeded in shoving out maverick Gina Lopez who vigorously stood against plunderous mining operations which destroy the environment and harm the people’s livelihood.

They demand the removal of Ka Paeng from the Department of Agrarian Reform whose support for the installation of farm workers in the plantation operated by the Lorenzo’s Lapanday Food Corporation, is set to be a precedent against various anti-land reform and land grabbing schemes of haciendas and big plantations. While they may concede to letting DSWD Sec. Judy Taguiwalo retain her post, they are wary at the prospect of the military being prevented from usurping such civilian functions as delivery of relief in areas targetted for military counter-insurgency operations. If they could not afford to oppose Taguiwalo’s appointment, they will surely find a way to keep their fascist troops infringing on civilian functions.

The dominant position of the pro-US military clique will further ensure the protection and perpetuation of US policies as against Duterte’s declarations of an independent foreign policy. The problem with Duterte’s declaration of an independent foreign policy is that it has only opposed being bound by an exclusive military alliance with the US but has failed to assert the right of the country to be free from any dominant foreign military power.

His goodwill with China will, however, be tolerated only to the extent that it will allow the US military to continue building military bases and projecting its presence in the country and not give China the opportunity to build its military presence. Otherwise, with the dominance of the military clique he himself has installed, Duterte can easily be removed or compelled to play along with the wishes of the US imperialists.

Why the AFP-PNP will lose the war against the CPP-NPA-NDF in the battle of people’s hearts and minds

By Pedro “Ka Gonyong” Codaste
NDFP Peace Consultant

Firstly, because the CPP-NPA-NDF is fighting a revolutionary just war. It is fighting for the interest of the poor majority, for the peasants to have a land to till. It is fighting for the interest of all poverty-stricken Filipinos, notably the farmers, the workers, and the professionals, the religious and indigenous peoples and not for a few vested interests. It is fighting for the lowly Filipino who owns nothing but his labor power, his capacity and skills to give services to the ruling elite. It is fighting for change; change from our miserable conditions to a better one.

The method is no other than the dismantling or complete overhaul of the whole system through force. There is a natural and dialectical base for this. No qualitative change could take effect without force nor violence. Take for instance an egg. The breaking, i.e. force, of the shell signals the quantitative change of an egg to qualitative change, into a chick; the leap to vaporal state of the water is effected by boiling, i.e. force, through fire; the birth of a child comes through force exerted by the writhing of the mother immersed in blood and water.

Peaceful means through reactionary elections and parliamentary methods cannot effect meaningful change because whoever has the golds, guns and goons is sure to win through vote buying or cheating. Results are also padded and fabricated. Thus results in reactionary elections do not reflect the true sentiment of the people. Besides, Congress is dominated by big landlords and compradors whose interests they would attend first in their legislations. As the saying goes, “What is food for the chicken is not victuals for the coyote.”

A revolution is progressive and constructive. It is creative and not destructive. Although at first it is necessary to destroy the old to be able to create a new set up. History has shown that almost all countries that have now attained high level of industrial development had undergone revolutions in their society by destroying the old set up before attaining what they are today.

The United States had undergone two revolutions: one against colonialist Britain and one against the slave-owning South America. In the first, they destroyed colonialism and created an independent America. Then afterwards, in the second (in 1860s) they destroyed slavery and created a society free of slaves. Great Britain has undergone revolution too, widely known as the Puritan Revolution or the English Revolution from 1640 to 1660. Similarly, France in 1789 and Germany starting in 1525 had their own wars with the revolts of the Peasants and the end of the the Thirty Years’ War (1618-1648). Same as with Japan, following centuries of civil war, in the Edo period (the place where the Bakufu or military government fortified its headquarters widely known as Shogunate) has brought more than 250 years of peace, prosperity, and progress to their country.

Russia, after the victory of the 1917 October Revolution, arose into superpower status. China also, after the victory of Chinese Revolution, is now industrialized and is even extending aid and investments to the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP). North Korea, as witnessed by Discovery Channel in their coverage of the North Korean Mass Games in 2005 and in the 2017 commemoration of the death anniversary of Kim IL Sung, is very prosperous and highly disciplined contrary to the news feed by the CIA and other US mass media. But the success of Cuba in Health Care, Disaster Preparedness and Education could not be surpassed not even by the United States. Cuba is on the top of the whole world in these fields. And this is socialist Cuba!

Same thing with our country. Unless the GRP would do away with its puppetry from US diktats, the country could not extricate itself from this economic quicksand. Carrying out national industrialization and with agriculture as its base, although toddling at first as we encounter hardships and difficulties, is only temporary in nature. In the long run, as we persist and persevere, we will ultimately achieve prosperity and we will not be a toddler anymore. We then can fully stand on our own without external interference. Look at Venezuela, Bolivia and other Latin American countries who chose to veer away from the US imperialism’s stranglehold. Now, Venezuela and Bolivia nationalized all exploitative foreign-owned companies. The tumultuous clamor now happening in said countries are instigated by the CIA to effect regime change (similar to what happened in Chile and Indonesia in the 70s) that they can tow by the nose.

In the battle of hearts and minds of the people, the NPA together with the masses in the countrysides are working hand-in-hand to alleviate poverty, giving them guidance, encouraging them and if condition permits, even partakes in mutual aid teams – a form of simple cooperation. The NPA also organizes them so farm wages and their farm produce could be raised. They do not “give them fish,” for the NPA have none but they taught them how to catch fish by leading and guiding them in building fishponds so they can eat fish all of their lives. They taught them how to read and write. Thus an NPA organizer could be an engineer, a teacher, a doctor, a nurse, a lawyer, radio technician, all rolled into one. He is not alien to them but considers him as part of the community ready to help them when problems arise ranging from petty family quarrels to thefts, gambling, drug problems and many others.

On the other hand the AFP-PNP-CAFGU is fighting a counterrevolutionary unjust war with its campaign plan dubbed Oplan Bayanihan and now Oplan Kapayapaan (Development Support and Security Plan) characterized by widespread killings of progressive leaders, journalists and political opposition and also “Tokhang or Tokbang” to suspected drug users and drug lords. It is counterrevolutionary because it opposes change. It is unjust because it defends and preserves the status quo ruled by big landlords and compradors— the super-rich in our society. It is destructive because it creates culture of fear and destroys whatever the masses and the revolutionary movement have built on for so many years of painstaking hard work in the countrysides. The AFP is therefore defending the interest of the ruling elite – their huge plantations, haciendas and capitalist enterprises. Thus, they are very far from the hearts and minds of the people. And worst, these AFP-PNP troops are the ones promoting gambling, drug use and trafficking, robbery and thievery, coveting wives of their men and many more vices in places where there are army detachments.

But the masses won’t believe in them. If there are those who they can bait, are those people who too are inclined to do wrong and evil deeds and hate the presence of the NPA. It is these people who easily got recruited as informers and assets of the reactionary troops in exchange for some privileges and amenities. Others out of fear are only taking them lightheartedly in silence and meekly follow whatever order the military imposed.

To mislead and deceive the masses, our class enemies and their armed machinery, the AFP-PNP resorted to black propaganda demeaning the People’s Court of the Revolutionary People’s Democratic Government as “Kangaroo Court.” But if there is such a “Kangaroo court” it is none other than the reactionary courts. Many innocents have been imprisoned because they are poor and do not have the means to pursue their case while their adversary has the money and influence to circumvent the truth. Hukumang Bayan or People’s Court is the exact opposite of reactionary courts. It does not require filing fees in order for a case to be heard. Thus, there is no such thing as “witnesses who may or may not be telling the truth.” Circumventing the truth has no place in a revolutionary people’s government and a hundred heads in the mass organization, the Pambansang Katipunan ng mga Magbubukid or PKM as witnesses or judges cannot be wrong in arriving at the truth.

Thus, in their countless “pulong-pulongs” in the countrysides, many they declared have “surrendered and have returned to the folds of the law.” But deep inside their hearts and minds are the longings that these army detachments would be gone. This is the easy explanation why army detachments and municipal police stations got so easily raided by the NPA even without a single shot fired. It is because the NPAs are still harboring the people’s support.

In general, the masses detest and fear the presence of the army troopers for they feel it is not their army. They feel the AFP is the army of the ruling class, the rich and the super-rich who are out there in the countrysides to impose their will on them often victimizing innocent civilians in their counterinsurgency operations. Subjecting civilans to population and resource control only reinforces their sufferings too. Imagine, limiting barrio residents to their places of work and their rations; hiking far distances in the early morning to their farms from their hamletted position in barrio centers and return to the barrio at 4:00 pm. These, plus the vices mentioned above perpetrated by their supposed “protector” are the reasons why the AFP’s battle for the people’s hearts and minds will surely fail. Other reasons are history and experience. This has already been put into practice by the US military and the Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN) in Vietnam. And it only ended in their utter failure and defeat.

Historic significance, global impact and continuing validity of the Great October Socialist Revolution led by Lenin

By Prof. Jose Maria Sison
Chairperson, International Coordinating Committee,
International League of Peoples’ Struggle
May 5, 2017

Welcome the Launch of the Campaign to Celebrate the Great October Socialist Revolution
It is an honor and privilege for all of us to participate in this conference to launch the Campaign to Celebrate the Great October Socialist Revolution. We thank the International League of Peoples’ Struggle (ILPS) and the People’s Resource for International Solidarity and Mass Movement (PRISM) for choosing the Philippines as the starting point of the campaign. We thank ILPS-Philippines, Bayan, Kilusang Mayo Uno, Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas, Gabriela and many other organizations for co-organizing this signal event and for inviting this speaker.

ILPS and PRISM are undertaking the global campaign to celebrate the centennial of the Great October Socialist Revolution in cooperation with Marxist-Leninist, socialist and anti-imperialist organizations. The campaign will culminate in the holding of global mass actions on November 7. The steady core of the campaign is a series of conferences, forums and seminar-workshops in various continents and countries to generate papers and discussions for book publication on the history and continuing legacy of the October Revolution.

The campaign also encourages all participating forces to produce and disseminate papers, study guides, essays, news and feature articles, short videos and dramatic works, songs, poems, commemorative items (posters, banners, postcards, buttons, pins, etc.) relevant to the centenary, and to commission progressive writers, researchers, artists, multimedia workers, and grassroots activists to help out in producing, compiling, publishing, and disseminating such work.

All of us welcome the call of the ILPS and PRISM: “Let us celebrate the historic gains and continuing validity of the Great October Socialist Revolution for the proletariat and people. Let us draw and share lessons from its revisionist reversal, continue its legacy, persevere in leading the masses, and advance the struggle for democracy and socialism against imperialism and all reaction!”

Let us discuss today in this conference the historic significance of the October Revolution, its global impact and its continuing validity for current and future revolutionary movements of the proletariat and the oppressed peoples and nations against monopoly capitalism and all reaction. Despite or because of the betrayal of socialism by the modern revisionists, we are still in the era of modern imperialism and proletarian revolution. We confront today the ever worsening general crisis and wars of aggression of monopoly capitalism and we are engaged in contributing the best we can to the resurgence and advance of the world proletarian revolution.

I. Historic Significance of the Great October Socialist Revolution
Marx and Engels formulated the fundamental principles of the theory and practice of Marxism in the era of free competition capitalism. They availed of the highest development of philosophy, political economy and social science in their time in order to arrive at the the proletariat’s vantage point of dialectical and historical materialism, the laws of motion in capitalism that lead to socialism and the general political line, strategy and tactics for defeating the class dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and winning the socialist revolution.

In their time, the most that Marx and Engels could observe was the Paris Commune of 1871 as the sprout of the proletarian revolution that the bourgeoisie soon crushed. They were not dismayed by the massacre and defeat of the communards. They studied the strong and weak points of the Paris Commune for the guidance of succeeding revolutions. The most crucial lesson learned was that that the proletarian revolution must wield the class dictatorship of the proletariat to smash the military and bureaucratic machinery of the bourgeois state.

A gigantic painting of Lenin addressing the crowd upon his return to Russia during the Russian Revolution.

Lenin assumed the task of inheriting, upholding, defending and further developing the fundamental principles of the Marxist theory and practice in the era of modern imperialism and proletarian revolution. In philosophy, he fought against the subjectivist idealist philosophy of the bourgeoisie and grasped the unity of opposites as the most fundamental law of contradiction and explicated the law of uneven development. In political economy, he critiqued monopoly capitalism or imperialism and laid the foundation of the socialist economy in correspondence to the extent of proletarian power and took into account the transitory measures necessary to realize democratic reforms and cope with the exigencies of war and foreign intervention.

Lenin was the grand master of social science who established the first socialist state in accordance with the principles of scientific socialism. He learned comprehensively, profoundly and meticulously, with all the necessary hindsight, insight and foresight to solve problems and set the program of action and line of advance and subsequently bring about the seizure of political power by the proletariat in concert with the broad masses of he people, especially the peasants who constituted a large part of the population. He understood that on a global scale, by the law of uneven development, imperialism can engage only in the inadequate and spasmodic development of capitalism for the purpose of grabbing superprofits and that the proletariat and the people could be mobilized to rise up and establish socialism at the weakest link in the chain of imperialist countries.

Even as he focused on the practical tasks of the Bolsheviks in the accelerated revolutionary upsurge in Russia amidst the complex contradictions of World War I, he attended to theoretical work during those years. A large number of items in Lenin’s Philosophical Notebooks relate to 1914-16 and involved a thorough review of dialectics. In the first half of 1916, he wrote Imperialism: the highest Stage of Capitalism and defined imperialism’s decadent and moribund character and five features of dominance in industrial capitalist countries: merger of industrial and bank capital to constitute finance capital, the great importance given to the export of capital than to that of commodities and the growth of cartels, syndicates and other monopoly combines on a global scale. He described imperialism as the eve of the socialist revolution and urged the proletariat and people to turn the imperialist war to revolutionary civil war. In the summer of 1917 he wrote State and Revolution to to stress the necessity of the proletarian class dictatorship in overthrowing the bourgeoisie and building socialism.

After the overthrow of Tsarism in the February revolution of 1917 and the installation of the Kerensky-led provisional government predominantly of Liberals and Social Revolutionaries, he anticipated the sharpening and complexity of the class struggle between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat and exerted all efforts to be in Russia as soon as possible in order to participate directly in the revolutionary process. He was certain that the Kerensky government and the bourgeoisie were on the way down because they wished to stay in the inter-imperialist war, motivated as they were by social patriotism (chauvinism in “socialist” garb) and revolutionary “defensism”; they did not nationalize the land for the land-hungry peasants and they could not fix the economy which was in shambles.

On April 16, 1917, upon his arrival at the Finland Station in Petrograd, Lenin called for all power to the soviets (revolutionary councils) of workers, peasants and soldiers away from the bourgeois Kerensky government. He observed the passing of the first stage of the revolution which placed power in the hands of the bourgeoisie to the second stage which must place power in the hands of the proletariat and the poorest sections of the peasants. He stated all the major points that needed to be done. He clarified that circumstances and events were moving in transition to socialism even as socialism was not yet the immediate task.

He called for a party congress of the Bolsheviks to change the outdated program and name of their party (from Russian Social Democratic Labor Party to All-Russia Communist Party) and differentiate themselves from the social chauvinists of the Second International and social democratic parties of Europe that supported their respective countries in World War I. He also called for a new International of communist parties. The Communist International (Third International) would be formed in 1919.

Events moved in the direction anticipated by Lenin. The Provisional Government sent a diplomatic note on May to the Central Powers, signifying its desire to continue the war to a victorious conclusion. Tens of thousands of workers and soldiers of Petrograd and subsequently those of other cities under the leadership of the Bolsheviks raised the slogans, “Down with the war!” and “All power to the Soviets!” On July 1, hundreds of thousands of workers and soldiers assembled in Petrograd with the same slogans. They expressed the people’s opposition to the war and their hunger for bread and freedom.

In the entire month of July, the Provisional Government became stricken by a severe crisis upon the collapse of its offensive against the Central Powers. It sought to repress the Bolsheviks and the masses. It raided the offices of Pravda (the official Bolshevik daily newspaper) and the Central Committee of the Bolsheviks and ordered the arrest and trial of Lenin who had to go underground. It fired on the demonstrations of workers and soldiers demanding the end of the war and all power to the soviets. It became even more isolated politically. When commander-in-chief General Kornilov tried to make a coup, Kerensky sought the help of the Petrograd Soviet led by the Bolsheviks to thwart the coup. After the defeat of Kornilov, the revolutionary prestige of the Bolsheviks rose ever higher.

In September and October 1917, workers’ strikes spread on a wide scale beyond Petrograd and Moscow, with more than a million workers rising up and taking control over production and distribution in many factories and plants. More than 4,000 peasant uprisings occurred against landowners. The peasant masses became more enraged when they were attacked by government troops, police and thugs of the landlords. The soldiers and sailors refused to recognize the authority and carry out the commands of the Provisional Government.

On October 23, the Bolsheviks’ Central Committee voted 10–2 in favor of the resolution declaring an armed uprising inevitable, and the time for it fully ripe. On October 25, 1917 (or November 7 in the Gregorian calendar) the Bolsheviks led their forces in the uprising, according to plan, to seize the buildings of the bourgeois state and to storm the Winter Palace. The Red Guards seized the buildings and facilities as the Petrograd soldiers joined the uprising. Lenin issued the proclamation “To the Citizens of Russia”, ending the Provisional Government and installing Soviet power as the sole state after the surrender of the Kerensky Cabinet .

The Bolsheviks and the soviets under the leadership of Lenin were able to consolidate power. They prevailed over the White Armies in the Civil War and foreign intervention by 1920. The war was waged mainly in the countryside. After the war, he promulgated by decree the New Economic Policy (NEP) which the Bolshevik government had earlier adopted in the course of the 10th Congress of the All Russia Communist Party in 1921. The NEP replaced the ration system of “war communism” based on scarce production due to the war and revived the economy by adopting methods of state capitalism and giving concessions to middle and small entrepreneurs and rich peasants.

In the period of wartime ruin, the Austro-Hungarian coalition and the Anglo-French coalition, both enemies of Soviet power, were distracted from attacking it because of their mutual warfare. But in the struggle against the White Armies led by Kolchak and Denikin, the Soviet power created the Red Army to defeat them. In the succeeding period of struggle against economic ruin, it successfully coped with famine and oversaw the considerable advance of agriculture and light industry. Lenin pointed to the establishment of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) as a new framework of state existence. The Congress of Soviets ratified the Declaration and Treaty of Union of the Republics in 1922.

After the death of Lenin in 1924, Stalin assumed the leadership of the Bolshevik party and the USSR. He was loyal to Lenin and Leninism. He ended the NEP in 1928 and proceeded with the implementation of a series of five-year plans to build socialist industry and the collectivization and mechanization of agriculture. These brought about resounding success in transforming the USSR into a powerful industrial federal state in the face of the worsening global economic crisis, the rise of fascism in several capitalist countries and the looming outbreak of World War II.

The Great October Socialist Revolution has come to signify all the great revolutionary achievements of the Bolshevik Party of Lenin and Stalin in socialist revolution and construction. It verified the revolutionary principle that proletarian class dictatorship is a requisite for defeating the bourgeoisie and guaranteeing the socialist revolution, overcoming civil war and foreign military intervention, reviving the economy through transition measures, building socialist economy, developing the educational and cultural system of the working class, promoting the international communist movement, fighting and defeating fascism and further pursuing socialist revolution and construction in the face of the threats of US imperialism after World War II.

II. Global Impact and Continuing Validity of the October Revolution
The salvoes of the October Revolution reverberated throughout the world. The establishment and development of socialism from 1917 to 1956 on one-sixth of the surface of the earth cannot be ignored by the people of the world, especially the working class and the oppressed peoples and nations. The great achievements in socialist revolution and construction have the force of example in inspiring the oppressed and exploited masses to fight for a bright and better world in socialism. And the Communist Party led by Lenin made sure through the Third International that communist parties and revolutionary mass movements would arise and grow on a global scale, upholding the theory and practice of Marxism-Leninism and applying it on the concrete conditions of various countries.

The global impact of the October Revolution can also be measured in terms of the negative reaction of the imperialist powers and the international bourgeoisie. These have always been terrified by the “specter of communism” and wanted to strangle socialism in the cradle. Right after the October revolution, from 1918 to 1920, the imperialist powers sent to Russia military forces of intervention, with Japanese forces staying on up to 1925 in northern Russia and Siberia, to aid the counterrevolutionaries. But when the Great Depression occurred and resulted in fascist rule in several capitalist countries and the outbreak of World War II, the Allied Powers could obtain victory against the Axis Powers only because of the decisive roles of the Soviet Union in defeating the forces of Nazi Germany and China under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party in likewise defeating the invasionary forces of fascist Japan.

During and after World War II, the toiling masses under the leadership of communist parties excelled in fighting against fascism and gained political power in the process. The Soviet counter-offensive against the Nazi German forces led to the establishment of states under communist leadership in Eastern Europe up to East Germany. The victory of the Chinese people led by the Communist Party against Japan in 1945 and then against the Kuomintang in 1949 meant that one more large part of the world was lost by imperialism. National liberation movements spread and flourished, highlighted by the national wars of liberation against US aggression in Korea and Vietnam. Newly-independent countries promoted decolonization and national independence in Asia, Africa and Latin America.

By the 1950s it could be said that one-third of humankind was under the socialist governance of the revolutionary parties of the proletariat and that the world was divided into the capitalist and socialist camps. However, soon after World War II, the US together with its imperialist allies girded for the Cold War against the Soviet Union and tried to use wars of aggression and nuclear blackmail. But the emergence and growth of modern revisionism, from Khrushchov to Gorbachov, became far worse and more lethal than the blatant threats and actions of US imperialism in terms of subverting and destroying socialism in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe.

Comrade Mao led the Chinese Communist Party in the struggle to uphold Marxism-Leninism against modern revisionism since 1956. Eventually, he put forward his theory and practice of continuing revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat through the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (GPCR) from 1966 to 1976 in order to combat modern revisionism, prevent the restoration of capitalism and consolidate socialism in China. The GPCR obtained great victories but was eventually defeated by a coup, with Deng Xiaoping at the head of the revisionists and capitalist restorationists, soon after the death of Mao.

At any rate, the GPCR succeeded in posing the problem of modern revisionism, in presenting certain principles and methods for solving this problem and in generating the rich experience from which positive and negative lessons can be learned. The proletarian revolutionaries can learn from all these in order to explain the disintegration of the former socialist systems and to avert the restoration of capitalism when in the future they shall build and develop socialist societies in various countries until they can defeat imperialism on a global scale and bring about communism. The Paris Commune of 1871 won for awhile and was soon defeated but became a source of principles, methods and lessons for advancing the world proletarian revolution.

In the period of the temporary strategic defeat of socialism on a global scale, communists and revolutionary mass activists must be able to answer the questions of the proletariat and people about the past, present and future of the revolutionary cause of socialism. They must answer effectively the taunts of the imperialists and their petty bourgeois adjutants that socialism is dead and that capitalism is the end of history. They must be able to do so in terms of philosophy, political economy and social science. In this regard, the Communist Party of the Philippines is one of the parties upholding the banner of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and the torch of socialism in the transition from strategic retreat to the counter-offensive of the revolutionary proletariat.

In terms of dialectical and historical materialist philosophy, nothing is permanent but change. Social systems have come and gone, like slavery and feudalism which existed for thousands of years. Capitalist society, which first appeared autonomously in the Italian city state in the 13th century, has probably a shorter life span than the earlier social formations if we take into account the rapid development of free competition capitalism to monopoly capitalism in the cumulative advance of history. The bourgeoisie adopts higher technology and minimizes wage payments in order to increase private profit. But the proletariat and the oppressed peoples and nations can be aroused, organized and mobilized to resist and change the oppressive and exploitative relations with imperialism and the ruling bourgeoisie in every country. They have seen how national liberation, people’s democracy and socialism can be achieved.

In terms of the critique of capitalism and modern imperialism in political economy, Marx has long pointed out the laws of motion of capitalism both in his microscopic study of the commodity and his macro study of mass production and finance. The capitalist extracts the surplus value from the total value created by the workers, pushes down the wage level, overaccumulates capital and causes the crisis of overproduction, stagnation, unemployment, social turmoil and the intensification of the class struggle. Lenin laid bare how free competition capitalism leads to monopoly capitalism and how the latter brings out the worst of capitalism, goading the proletariat and people of both developed and underdeveloped countries to rebel and seek a revolutionary solution. He has described modern imperialism as the highest and final stage of capitalism. Indeed, it is at this stage when socialist states arose and developed first in Russia and then in several other countries.

In terms of fighting for and achieving scientific socialism in social science, the revolutionary party of the proletariat as the advanced detachment must grasp Marxism-Leninism-Maoism at this time and make a concrete analysis of the concrete conditions in whichever country such party operates. It must win the battle for democracy where the bourgeoisie uses fascist terror to suppress the revolutionary movement for socialism in developed capitalist countries. It must carry out the two stages of the people’s democratic revolution and socialist revolution in semicolonial and semifeudal countries. In any case, the proletarian revolutionary party must arouse, organize and mobilize the broad masses of the people to overthrow the class dictatorship of the bourgeoisie and install that of the proletariat as the key to socialism.

The disintegration of the revisionist-ruled systems and the collapse of the Soviet Union in the years of 1989 to 1991 made the US appear as the big winner in the Cold War and as the sole superpower. Indeed, it served to expand the world capitalist system . But it has not served to strengthen it. It has served to weaken it. It has increased the number of capitalist powers as economic competitors and political rivals, and it has intensified the contradictions within and among the imperialist powers. There is little room for the imperialist powers to maneuver as these are driven by one crisis after another to redivide the world. The addition of China and Russia as big players in the capitalist world has aggravated the crisis and further complicated the problems for the original Group of 7 and the OECD countries.

The US took full advantage of its position as sole superpower since 1991 by taking the offensive in all fields, especially the economic and military ones. It pushed the neoliberal economic policy of imperialist globalization and the neoconservative policy of aggression and intervention more than ever before. It outsourced consumer manufacturing to China to keep it integrated in the world capitalist system. It then became dependent on consumer manufactures and credit from China and concentrated on producing big items for the military industrial complex and on financializing the US economy. It carried out the neoconservative policy of aggression and intervention with the use of hightech weaponry. It has unleashed wars of aggression with impunity against the former Yugoslavia, Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Syria and other countries, killing and maiming people by the millions, destroying homes and the social infrastructure and forcing more millions of people to become refugees.

But the aforesaid policies of the US have been self-defeating if we consider the high financial costs and the rapid increase of its public debt. This is far bigger than the acknowledged debt of USD 19 trillion. The neoliberal economic policy is dependent on heavy doses of debt for both imperialist and non-imperialist countries, for corporations and households as if there were no limits to the credit orgy. The limits have become conspicuous with the recurrence and worsening of the crises of overproduction and of finance capital. The strategic decline of the US has accelerated from being the sole superpower in the 1990s to one scrambling for hegemony in a multipolar world. The irony of it all is that the main instigator of neoliberal economic policy is purportedly turning to protectionism under Donald Trump.

Those who have suffered most from the neoliberal economic policy are the workers of all countries and the oppressed peoples and nations. Thus, they ahbor to hear the mantra that the key to increasing production and employment is to let the monopoly bourgeois have more capital to reinvest by being given tax cuts and by pressing down wages, cutting back on social services and carrying out liberalization of trde and invetments, privatization of profitable public assets, deregulation of measures to protect labor, women,children and the environment and the denationalization of the economies of client-states. The concentration and centralization of capital in the imperialist countries and in the hands of a handful of monopoly bourgeois have resulted in widespread unemployment, poverty and social unrest. But the reaction of the US and other imperialist powers is to whip up national chauvinism, military production, state terrorism and wars of aggression.

The escalation of exploitation and oppression by the imperialists and their reactionary puppets in various countries is inflaming the resistance of the proletariat and people of the world. The epochal struggle between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat continues. So do all the concrete forms of national and class struggles in various countries. The people do not wish the greed and violence of the few to victimize them without end. They fight for national and social liberation from imperialism and reaction. And they strive for greater freedom and social justice to prevail under the principles of scientific socialism.

There is an urgent need for the revolutionary party of the proletariat in many countries. Such a party must uphold the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist ideological line against modern revisionism and all forms of subjectivism and must be politically capable of leading the proletariat and people through the anti-imperialist and democratic mass movement. It must ensure that the general political line can bring about the victory of democracy and socialism and defeat imperialism and all forms of reaction and must not be led astray by either “Left” or Right opportunism. It must concentrate the collective will and material strength of the proletarian revolutionaries by following the organizational principle of democratic centralism.

The crisis conditions of the moment generate the immediate issues of the struggle against monopoly capitalism and local reaction. But in recruiting, training and developing their members, the revolutionary parties of the proletariat must inculcate in them the historic mission of building socialism up to the theory and practice of continuing revolution under proletarian dictatorship. We must counter the propaganda of the enemy that socialism is successful only up to a certain point and then fails because of the inherent selfish and asocial nature of people and their leaders. And we must assure the proletariat and the people that there is no alternative to capitalism but socialism, that modern revisionism and the restoration of capitalism can be prevented and that socialism can be consolidated repeatedly until it gains the upper hand over imperialism on a global scale and reaches the threshold of communism. ###

Second round ends with some progress but uncertainties remain

NDFP Media Office | Press Release

The second round of the GRP-NDFP peace negotiations ended with some progress but uncertainties remain that serve to dampen the initial optimism on the part of the NDFP negotiators and consultants. There is now growing uneasiness and impatience among the NDFP delegation over the snail’s pace in the steps being taken to effect the release of the remaining political prisoners despite repeated promises and assurances coming from the GRP panel.

There are more than 400 political prisoners still languishing in various jails nationwide. The issue of their continued detention came up early in the talks as the new NDFP Panel Chairperson Fidel Agcaoili cited the pledge made by President Rodrigo Duterte himself last May to issue an amnesty proclamation to speed up their release. So far, the GRP has released only 22 political prisoners, most of them NDFP consultants. There have been no other releases since August.

In response to the appeal from GRP Panel Chairperson Silvestre Bello for patience, Agcaoili said that if the GRP could effect the speedy release of the 22 JASIG-protected NDFP consultants why the seemingly excruciating difficulty in releasing the rest of the political prisoners?

Under pressure from the consistent pressing of the NDFP on this issue, the GRP Panel once again promised “to do their best”. But cynicism is now growing among some of the NDFP negotiators and consultants as well as among the remaining political prisoners on account of so many unfulfilled promises.

Aside from the issue of political prisoners, reports have been coming in from the field about continuous military operations by AFP forces in NPA territory. According to NPA commands from various regions, the reason why there has been no firefights so far is mainly because NPA forces have been maneuvering to avoid armed encounters. But tensions are rising because the AFP military operations appear more and more to be taking the form of base-denial operations targeting the mass base of the NPA.

According to NPA national spokesperson Jorge Madlos, “All NPA units have strictly abided by its own unilateral ceasefire declaration. Aside from maintaining defensive posture, NPA units are conducting counter-maneuvers to avoid armed skirmishes with the AFP.” But not a few NPA units are having difficulty holding back amid threats from the AFP in its counter-insurgency intelligence operations, Madlos said.

From Northern Luzon to Southern Mindanao, Madlos claimed, there were reports of AFP units telling civilians that the ceasefire is no longer in effect to justify their operations and presence in their communities. The NPA’s Agustin Begnalen Command based in Abra said the Army’s 24th Infantry Battalion have been telling civilians in Sallapadan town that the ceasefire has ended.

Madlos said the AFP has yet to observe the advice of President Duterte to be friendly to the NPA adding that the AFP continues to conduct hostile operations against the NPA, “even using the drug campaign as pretext to conduct anti-NPA operations.”

In one instance, when confronted by peasants on why the soldiers were continuing with military operations despite the GRP ceasefire, the AFP officer leading the operation reportedly answered that they would then have nothing else to do adding that the NPA would not attack them anyway because the NPA has declared its own ceasefire. To have a stable ceasefire AFP forces must “return to barracks” at the level of the battalion headquarters.

In addition, reports have come in regarding political assassinations and attempted assassinations of leaders of people’s organizations such as the case of the secretary general of the Compostela Valley Farmers Association (CFA), Jimmy Saipan, who was killed in cold blood by two motorcycle riding gunmen yesterday, October 10. Saipan was a Lumad anti-mining activist opposing the exploration by the Agusan Petroleum Mineral Corp. in 12,000 hectares of Lumad lands. The CFA has also been conducting dialogue with the 66th IB for the latter to stop occupying their community. The AFP has falsely accused the CFA as a communist front organization.

Showing some impatience, the NDFP Chief Political Consultant Jose Maria Sison and the NDFP Panel Chair Fidel Agcaoili have served notice to the other side that continued non-compliance on the issue of the remaining political prisoners can have serious consequences in the continuation of the current ceasefire and forward movement in the peace negotiations as a whole. On the other hand, compliance will boost the prospects for forging a bilateral ceasefire agreement and acceleration of the peace process.

There has been some progress in the work of the RWCs-SER, RWGs-PCR and RWGs-EHDF with agreements reached on their respective common framework and outline for the tentative draft agreements that are to be fleshed out in later rounds.

The Reciprocal Working Committee on Social and Economic Reforms RWC-SER took the longest to come up with a common framework and outline. NDFP negotiators sensed an apparent attempt on the side of the GRP to confine the discussion to existing programs of government agencies as the “solutions” without first arriving at a well thought-out understanding of the problems. This prompted NDFP RWC-SER head Juliet de Lima to remark that this was “putting the cart before the horse.”

A great chasm between the two sides exists in the appreciation of what the NDFP considers the age-old problems of rural landlessness and poverty due to the persistence of feudalism, and the absence of real industrialization that has failed to create jobs resulting in massive unemployment which forces 2,000 Filipino workers to go abroad every day to seek for work. Previous government programs have consistently failed to address the problems of rural poverty and urban mass unemployment precisely because these have been based on a superficial and faulty analysis of the deeply-seated problems.

The panels agreed to meet again in the third week of January 2017 in a foreign neutral venue with many uncertainties remaining to haunt the peace process. ###


NDFP Media Group

Dan Borjal



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Whose mask slips?

By Dan Borjal
Political Consultant
National Democratic Front of the Philippines

Based on a few quotations taken out of context from Jose Maria Sison’s interviews in connection with the peace negotiations between the Government of the Philippines (GPH) and the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP), Dem Volke Dienen’s piece “The mask slips” makes the outlandish conclusion that the Philippine revolutionary movement has already surrendered and allowed itself to become a mere tail of bourgeois democracy.

It is clear that Dem Volke Dienen knows very little about the revolutionary movement led by the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and about its founding chairman Jose Maria Sison.

The Filipino revolutionaries have been engaged in a life-and-death struggle against US imperialism and its domestic lackeys for more than 47 years now based on the strategy of protracted people’s war waged in a semi-colonial and semi-feudal country. The revolution has developed in a comprehensive manner with armed struggle in the countryside as the main form of struggle complemented by the legal democratic struggle in the cities, electoral struggle and peace negotiations as secondary forms of struggle.

Through the years, the movement has accumulated victories unparalleled in our country’s revolutionary history in having built a formidable people’s army, organs of self-government and mass support running into millions in both the cities and countryside. To throw away these revolutionary gains would be the height of lunacy! Nay, surrender would be a desecration of the sacrifices of the thousands of our revolutionary heroes and martyrs. The revolutionary movement would rightfully incur the wrath of the masses who have given their best sons and daughters to the struggle and who are demanding the radical transformation of Philippine society.

Dem Volke Dienen quotes the following statement of Sison and makes the baseless assertion that the Filipino revolutionaries and Sison have capitulated simply because they have declared openness to holding peace negotiations with the incoming Philippine president. “Let us take advantage of a new situation in which the worsening crisis of the ruling system, the growing strength of the revolutionary movement of the people and the failure of previous governments have generated a presidency that is bold and proud to say that he [Duterte] is the first left president of the Philippines and willing to accept and implement the necessary reforms for a just and lasting peace. ”

If you are engaged in a real revolution and not just in revolutionary phrase-mongering, a favorite past-time of armchair revolutionaries, you can have a realistic assessment of what is achievable at any given time based on the concrete objective and subjective conditions and the balance of forces between revolution and counter-revolution. The Filipino revolutionaries while taking what is achievable at a given time are not so naive as to stop there as Right opportunists would do in the process abandoning the fight for the ultimate goal.

The movement has simply welcomed the possibility of alliance with a president-elect who has declared himself socialist and the first left president of the Philippines for the purpose of carrying out substantial reforms beneficial to the people. No candidate for the Philippine presidency in the whole history of the country has been so bold as to declare himself a socialist and to propose a coalition government with the Communist Party of the Philippines for fear of earning the ire of the US imperialists and the local reactionaries. This situation has been brought about no less because of the advances in the revolutionary struggle.

It remains to be seen though if such an alliance is even possible. The movement is also acutely aware that the US imperialists and local reactionaries will surely oppose such an alliance for reforms and put up fierce resistance even to the point of organizing a coup against Duterte. Duterte himself tries to be prudent in a reactionary way by including in his cabinet neoliberals and by invoking an “inclusive government” without “class hatred”, to cite expressions from his inaugural speech.

But it is one thing to conclude that Duterte is a fascist or a stooge of imperialism before his unfolding and another thing to test his best claims and self-contradictions by challenging him to heed the people’s agenda for change and testing him through the peace negotiations. If he proves conclusively to be an unmitigated counterrevolutionary, the revolutionary forces can fight him. If he proves to be a genuine patriot and firm anti-imperialist and progressive, he will need the support of stronger revolutionary forces and a well-mobilized people with arms in their hands to avert a fall similar to that of Sukarno and Allende.

In any case, only infantile petty bourgeois revolutionists or Left ” philistines will reject any thought of reforms just because it does not fit into their narrow dogmatic understanding of Marxism as pure storm and thunder without any place for basic reforms before the revolutionary leap. Genuine Marxists,including Maoists, know that bourgeois-democratic reforms of the new type are undertaken in a semicolonial and semifeudal country in the course of the people’s democratic revolution and prior to the socialist revolution. Marx pointed out a long time ago that the revolutionary proletariat must first win the battle for democracy to attain socialism even in a capitalist country.

Well, even if certain reforms are carried out as a result of an alliance with Duterte, it does not mean that the movement will stop half-way and be content with the achievement of partial goals. There is no question that the Filipino revolutionaries will continue holding on to their weapons because they are determined to bring to completion the current stage of the national democratic struggle and thereafter proceed to the socialist revolution.

Dem Volke Dienen quotes the following statement from Sison but completely misses the point focusing only on Sison’s citing Duterte as having been his pupil. “President Duterte did not fall suddenly from heaven. He grew intellectually and politically under the deteriorating conditions on the basis of the chronic crisis of the semicolonial and semifeudal ruling system. Since his youth he tended to stand on the side of the oppressed and exploited. He was my student in political thought and joined the Kabataang Makabayan (Patriotic Youth), a youth organization close to the Communist Party of the Philippines.”

Dem Volke Dienen fails to grasp the profound insight in the statement that Duterte is a product of the concrete historical circumstances of a Philippine society in deep crisis. That Duterte in his university days was significantly influenced intellectually and politically by the social ferment in the country in the 1960s that produced many student activists who later reestablished the Communist Party of the Philippines on the theoretical foundation of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought and relaunched the armed struggle. One of the progressive youth organizations Duterte joined was Kabataang Makabayan (Patriotic Youth) of which Joma Sison was one of the founding leaders.

Kabataang Makabayan performed an invaluable service to the revolution acting as the vehicle for spreading the revolution nationwide with many of its activists instrumental in establishing the first guerrilla fronts and forming the first units of the New People’s Army (NPA) throughout the country.

It is based on such knowledge of the early background of Duterte, his public pronouncements and his friendly relations with the movement’s branch in his home province of Davao in Mindanao that the revolutionary movement has made an estimation of the possibility of alliance with the incoming president for the purpose of implementing progressive reforms beneficial to the Filipino people.

As matters stand, the only thing that is really unmasked here is the remarkable ignorance of Dem Volke Dienen about concrete Philippine conditions and about the Philippine revolutionary movement, and its audacity in exhibiting its idealist, ahistorical and un-Marxist way of thinking. #

What Dirty Trick Is Norberto Gonzales Up To This Time?

By Dan Borjal
NDF Political Consultant

It is to the credit of president-elect Rodrigo Duterte that even before formally taking office he has already sent his trusted team to meet with NDFP representatives in Oslo to prepare for the resumption of the GPH-NDFP peace negotiations as he had promised. One of the qualities that has won over the overwhelming majority of the people to vote for him was his straight-forward no-nonsense manner of speaking. He has convinced the people that he means what he says. As a result of the preliminary talks in Oslo with the team sent by president-elect Duterte, the NDFP has expressed its optimism and hopeful expectations that it can work out an agreement that is beneficial to the Filipino people with the incoming Duterte government.

But there can be spoilers, lurking in the dark corners waiting for every opportunity to strike, because they do not want to see the success of the GPH-NDFP peace negotiations. One such potential spoiler is Norberto Gonzales, National Security Adviser and Defense Secretary under the unlamented Gloria Arroyo regime. This dyed-in-the-wool anti-communist remains stuck emotionally and intellectually in the bygone era of the Cold War. His shameless defense of the rotten status quo goes against the fresh wind that has come with the electoral victory of Duterte by the biggest margin in Philippine history given him by the people who are aching for change.

His article in the Manila Times “The Philippine Roadmap to Communism” may just be his opening salvo in a wrecking operation by the most reactionary elements in Philippine society who still maintain enormous power and influence in the GPH armed forces, the Catholic Church and the business community.

I have been involved in the GPH-NDFP negotiations since 1998 and I personally think that the two GPH presidents that have done the most harm to the GPH-NDFP negotiations have been Arroyo and Aquino III. But between the two of them, Aquino did harm with his notorious “noynoying” or doing nothing during his six years except to allow OPAPP head Ging Deles and GPH panel head Alex Padilla to wage a media war against the NDFP. On the other hand, Arroyo was very much pro-active in sabotaging the negotiations. And I am quite sure this rabidly reactionary anticommunist Norberto Gonzales who was Arroyo’s National Security Adviser and Defense Secretary had everything to do with it.

Displaying her canine devotion to the US, Arroyo pledged adherence to the US “war on terror” and pleaded with her imperialist masters to put NDFP Chief Political Consultant Jose Maria Sison, the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and the New People’s Army (NPA) in the US “terrorist list.” Her agents also openly campaigned for the European Union (EU) to follow the example of the US to put Joma, the CPP and NPA in the EU “terrorist list.” This clearly showed the treachery and bad faith of the Arroyo regime. It was pretending to talk peace with the NDFP while stabbing the latter in the back with the so-called “terrorist listing”.

Furthermore, in a high level national security meeting in late 2004 attended by Arroyo, National Security Adviser Norberto Gonzales proposed the assassination of Joma, perhaps emboldened by their “success” in lobbying for Joma to be put in the US and EU “terrorist lists.” It has been standard operating procedure for the US to first demonize its victim before going in for the kill. Their puppets in the third world are wont to copy such methods from their mentors. Accordingly, the Cabinet Oversight Committee on Internal Security (COCIS) instructed an interagency intelligence staff to prioritize as “high impact projects” the assassination of CPP spokesperson Gregorio “Ka Roger” Rosal and Joma.

In 2006 Norberto Gonzales was instrumental in pushing the request of the Philippine government to the Dutch government to file murder charges against Prof. Jose Maria Sison. In the same year, he caused the filing of an omnibus rebellion charge against Prof. Sison and 50 others, including members of Congress and anti-Arroyo military officers. After gathering false testimonies in Manila against Prof. Sison, the Dutch prosecution office caused his arrest in August 2007 and the police raids on his home, on the NDFP office in Utrecht and the homes of NDFP negotiators and consultants. The Arroyo regime and Gonzales practically turned the Dutch authorities into fools by supplying them with false testimonies and disinformation that were described as rubbish by the Philippine Supreme Court when it ruled against the aforesaid rebellion case against Prof. Sison in June 2007.

We have to thank Gonzales for revealing the treacherous stratagem that was adopted by the Arroyo government in the peace negotiations. From his article it is now clear that it was Gonzales who pushed for the rearranging of the agenda so that the 4th item, “End of hostilities and disposition of the armed forces of the two sides” (what he prefers to call DDR – Demobilization, Disarmament and Reintegration) would be placed ahead of the discussion on socio-economic reforms and political and constitutional reforms originally agreed upon as the second and third items of the substantive agenda as provided for in the Hague Joint Declaration. The logic of the original sequence is that the necessary socio-economic and political reforms must first be discussed and agreed upon before the permanent end to the armed hostilities can be assured.

Straight from the horse’s mouth:

“The Arroyo government launched an enhanced campaign during its last two remaining years, with an end-objective of “softening” the communist threat. The military component of this campaign succeeded in neutralizing more than 50 percent of all communist guerrilla fronts. Significant is the fact that neutralized guerrilla fronts are mostly in areas where the communists were supposedly most influential. With this gain, it was deemed then that peace talks with the communists could be resumed with the DDR framework as the prevailing mode.”

Again straight from the horse’s mouth:

“A clear agreement on DDR of the armed component of the insurgent group is an essential pre-condition to the discussion of possible political accommodations.”

In the twisted logic of this defender of the rotten status quo, the revolutionary forces must first be so weakened that they will be forced to surrender according to the terms of Demobilization, Disarmament and Reintegration. The victorious GPH would then be in a position to dictate the terms and decide on “possible political accommodations” it was willing to grant to the defeated “insurgents.” This fellow is daydreaming!

The “enhanced campaign” that Gonzales speaks so highly about is the notorious Oplan Bantay Laya that was infamous for targeting unarmed civilians, activists, labor leaders, human rights workers, anti-mining activists among the indigenous people, among others. It never achieved the false claim of “neutralizing more than 50 percent of the communist guerrilla fronts.” But it certainly succeeded in committing the worst kinds of human rights violations such as extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances among others.

It was during this period that the bloodthirsty Gen. Jovito Palparan had his heyday and distinguished himself by his brutality in ordering the summary killing of unarmed activists. Among his victims were the two UP students Karen Empeno and Sherlyn Cadapan who were tortured, raped and disappeared upon his orders. These atrocities prompted the United Nations Special Rapporteur Philip Alston to urge Arroyo to stop “targeting and executing individuals working with civil society organizations”.  The EU was also obliged to express concerns over the scandalous human rights situation in the country.

And yet, Gonzales has the gall to make an arrogant demand for leniency for Arroyo and Palparan! I cannot fathom such moral depravity. In fact, Gonzales is as guilty as Arroyo and Palparan for the atrocities committed during this period. But under the present unjust social system, criminals like him can continue to walk scot free and even enjoy the freedom to sabotage efforts intended to work out the necessary societal reforms for the benefit of the people.

Norberto Gonzales tries to employ the overused scare tactic of raising the communist bogey. To dispel the willful ignorance of Norberto Gonzales, I have to point out that communism is not even on the agenda of the current peace negotiations. Communism needs the emergence of more advanced material conditions to become realizable. The Philippines remains underdeveloped with no real industries to speak of and the peasantry who comprise the majority of our people are still mired in feudalism. There can be no talk of communism with such backward material conditions.

The socio-economic reforms that the NDFP has put forward still lie within the ambit of bourgeois or capitalist reforms. The complementary programs of national industrialization and genuine land reform are bound to result only in the creation of a modern industrial economy which will basically solve the problem of economic backwardness and widespread poverty.

I am tempted to advise the incoming President to just ignore such wackos as Norberto Gonzales and proceed to do what needs to be done. But it is probably wiser to advise the president-elect to also watch his back against such elements as the traditional oligarchs and their agents like Norberto Gonzales who will surely fight with all their might to maintain the oppressive status quo. These oligarchs still pack considerable influence and power in the GPH armed forces, the Catholic Church hierarchy and the business community. They retain a big potential for making trouble and they can always get the support of the US for their trouble making.

But the president-elect has oftentimes surprised many of us with his unconventional ways. I hope he shall surprise us again by going against the deeply entrenched vested interests in Philippine society and carry out together with the NDFP and other progressive forces the long-awaited reforms being demanded by the Filipino people. #

Rejoinder to Ernesto Angeles Alcanzare’s article in PDI “How Joma can help to win the peace”

By Dan Borjal
NDFP Political Consultant

Dan Borjal, NDFP Peace Consultant (NDFP Photo)

Dan Borjal, NDFP Peace Consultant (NDFP Photo)

I read the article in the Philippine Daily Inquirer by a certain Ernesto Angeles Alcanzare “How Joma can help to win peace” and felt obliged to make this response. The author describes himself as the main organizer of “YES FOR PEACE”, which is supposed to be a non-government organization (NGO).

I have never heard of this organization before and thought maybe this is just one of those fly-by-night NGOs that proliferate these days. It turns out it has some history starting from 1988. It turns out further that it has been associated since the 1990s with the office of the GPH president on the peace process starting from Presidential Assistant on the Peace Process Gen. Manuel Yan up to the present OPAPP. A photo posted on the organization’s Facebook account shows Mr. Ernesto Angeles Alcanzare and OPPAP head Ging Deles holding together a symbol of YES for PEACE during a celebration of the EDSA “revolution” in the presence of GPH Pres. Benigno Aquino III

On its Facebook page it says that in 2002, it “repackaged itself as YES FOR PEACE – Bayanihan para sa Kapayapaan. The questions were reformulated in cooperation with the Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process.”

It further states on its Facebook page that the campaign of “YES FOR PEACE was pursued … parallel to the Internal Peace and Security Plan (IPSP Bayanihan) of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) and the I AM FOR PEACE campaign of OPAPP…”

It became clear to me that this so-called YES for PEACE is nothing more but another psywar arm of the GPH (Aquino regime) masquerading as an NGO.

Let me now answer some of the points he raises in his article. The pertinent quotes are in italics followed by my comments.

“WE THANK Jose Maria Sison for being more open on the issues and proposals of the National Democratic Front (NDF) online.

At the very least, it shows that he may now be ready to agree to the conduct of an open, participatory and comprehensive peace process, even as he still insists that this be conducted outside the country, primarily because of his deeply held concerns for his and his peace negotiators/consultants’ personal security and safety. This is understandable: Those fighting a war would rather enjoy its fruits than be counted among those who have sacrificed their lives in the name of national democracy.”

For the proper education of Mr. Ernesto Alcanzare, conducting peace negotiations in a foreign venue is not something out of the ordinary. Peace negotiations between the Israelis and Palestinians had been held in Oslo, between the Americans and Vietnamese in Paris, between the Colombian government and FARC in Cuba, etc.

But Mr. Alcanzare picks up this point just so he can throw a malicious insult at Joma Sison insinuating that having a neutral venue abroad is a mere whim of one person to keep himself safe while others experience hardships at home. Has Mr. Alcanzare experienced operating in the guerrilla zones or jailed and tortured for many years to belittle the sacrifices that Joma has gone through?

If the negotiations were to be held in an urban area in the Philippines, NDFP negotiators would be subjected to overwhelming pressure and threats from military and police surveillance and frequent intrusions by psywar agents of the US and GPH and the dominant mass media of the oligarchy. If the talks were held in the countryside, the two negotiating sides would have to mobilize their armed personnel to ensure their security and there are the dangers of violent encounters and intrigues from third parties. Some rogue elements who do not wish the peace process to succeed can act as “spoilers.”

The NDFP has learned its lesson from its experience in 1987 when it agreed to hold peace negotiations in Manila. It was marred by the violent dispersal of peasants in front of Malacanang which came to be known as the Mendiola Massacre. NDFP negotiators and their technical and security personnel were forced to hurriedly withdraw to their base in the countryside. The AFP later boasted that it reaped an intelligence bonanza on the NDFP personnel in the various regions who surfaced in order to coordinate with their GPH counterparts to monitor the bilateral ceasefire.

Some ten major agreements have been forged and signed by the two sides working in a neutral venue abroad free from pressure and security concerns.

In order to have transparency, the negotiations do not have to be held in the Philippines. Even during formal talks and before and after these, the negotiating panels are transparent and in close contact with their principals and constituencies.

Joma’s declaration that “The changes we wanted to happen in our country are very doable if the Duterte government is determined, together with the NDF, to have fundamental change, genuine freedom, and development,” is—on the surface—very laudable and worth pursuing.

However, it raises many questions. Exactly what does he mean by that declaration? Can’t Joma state his ideas simply—not in “motherhood forms”—so that they would be easily understood by the people? Does he honestly believe that his “motherhood ideas” can be clearly defined for us only by the government and NDF negotiators meeting halfway across the world? How can peace talks—held outside of the country and facilitated by foreigners speaking a language that causes most Filipinos “nosebleeds,” so to speak—ever solve national issues that need every Filipino’s attention?

The two main socio-economic demands of the NDFP are national industrialization and genuine land reform. National industrialization meaning setting up heavy, medium and light industries controlled by Filipinos not by foreigners. Genuine land reform meaning free land distribution because the peasants have already paid many times over for the land they have been tilling for decades. These things are understandable to ordinary workers and peasants. Are these too incomprehensible to UP graduate Mr. Alcanzare? These are also very doable as long as there is the faith in our people’s ability and there is the political will of the country’s leaders to do it. The ruling classes make these simple things look complicated and “unrealistic” simply as an excuse for not doing them.

For the information of Mr. Alcanzare, the GPH and NDFP long ago have made an exchange of drafts on socio-economic reforms. The GPH submitted a 4-page draft full of vague motherhood statements while the NDFP gave a draft of more than 100 pages citing the needed reforms and detailing how they can be implemented. Since then the GPH did all it can to stall the talks in order to avoid tackling the NDFP proposals which the NDFP considered as the meat of the whole negotiations because these address the problems of poverty, landlessness, unemployment, etc. what Mr. Alcanzare calls the “national issues that need every Filipino’s attention”. The NDFP draft was the product of the work of patriotic economists and other experts, and substantive consultations conducted by the NDFP in various parts of the Philippines with people’s organizations of workers, peasants, women, youth, government employees, etc.

The GPH draft containing motherhood statements clearly showed that the GPH side was not serious and was merely going through the motions and in the meantime demanding the surrender of the forces represented by the NDFP, such surrender being the only thing that really mattered to them.

“For the past three decades, the government—in its desire to set in place an era of a just, comprehensive and lasting peace—has consistently acceded to Joma’s “demand” that the peace negotiations be held in the Netherlands, with unquestionably sincere Dutchmen mediating the process. And yet, all through these years, nothing substantial has been agreed upon. To this day, not a single doable agreement on how to go about bringing social change has been reached.”

For the information of Ernesto Alcanzare, the negotiations have never been “mediated by sincere Dutchmen”. It is the Royal Norwegian Government that has been generous in hosting the peace negotiations all these years. And it has been your GPH’s lack of interest and desire to seriously address the necessary socio-economic reforms and your GPH’s demand for surrender even before there is agreement on the reforms that has sabotaged the talks from the regime of Estrada to Arroyo, and Benigno Aquino III.

As for doable agreements, I would cite only one just to illustrate my point. There is the “Joint Agreement in Support of Socio-economic Projects of Private Development Organizations and Institutes” of March 16, 1998, an agreement immediately implementable even before a comprehensive agreement on socio-economic reforms would have been approved. But this agreement was never implemented because some elements in the GPH side thought that it would supposedly benefit the NDFP more than the GPH.

“Maybe it is time we seriously gave the NDF position on the negotiating table a rethink. Perhaps it is time we listened to the sentiments of 98.3 percent of Filipinos who—based on results of the peace education and advocacy phrase of “YES FOR PEACE Bayanihan para sa KKK” (Kapayapaan, Kaunlaran at Kasaganahan)—would rather see the peace talks held here instead of abroad…Therefore, we, the people, need to know what Joma is claiming on our behalf.”

Mr. Ernesto Alcanzare is so presumptuous as to claim that he speaks for the 98.3 percent of Filipinos! In actual fact, he speaks for the GPH because he parrots the GPH line of Ging Deles and Alex Padilla, the notorious saboteurs of the GPH-NDFP peace negotiations about “giving in too much to the demands of the NDFP”, having the peace negotiations in the Philippines, etc. The NDFP can at least speak for its organized forces that run into hundreds of thousands and its mass base of adherents that run into millions in both the cities and countryside.

There are some “peace advocates” from the NGO community who project themselves as standing above the two parties in the conflict and claiming to speak on behalf of the Filipino people. From what they base such claim nobody knows.

Prospects under a Duterte presidency

Central Committee | Communist Party of the Philippines
[Filipino translation »»]

photo: philstar

photo: philstar

The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and all revolutionary forces take stock of the significance of the rise of Davao Mayor Rodrigo Duterte as chief political representative of the ruling classes and head of the reactionary client-state and its consequences in advancing the national democratic revolution through people’s war.

I. Significance of Duterte’s election as president
The election of Davao City Mayor Rodrigo Duterte as next president of the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) is a resounding rejection of Aquino’s claims of “good governance”, “inclusive growth” and “tuwid na daan.” He routed the ruling regime’s fund-rich and politically-favored candidate Mar Roxas.

Duterte strongly attacked the Aquino regime and presented himself as an anti-thesis of the oligarchic and cacique rule, keenly aware of the Filipino people’s profound hatred for the Aquino regime and its six years of corruption, mendacity, puppetry and wholesale failure to address the needs of the Filipino people.

By drawing broad support, large crowds and social media drumbeating, Duterte succeeded in preempting the plans of the US-Aquino regime to use the automated counting system to steal the elections from him. Still, there are strong indications that election results were manipulated to boost Roxas’ votes, favor Aquino’s vice-presidential and senatorial candidates, as well as to prevent progressive partylist groups from gaining more seats in parliament.

With election-related assassinations, vote-buying, use of public funds, party-switching, automated fraud and so on, the recent reactionary elections is as dirty and rotten than before, contrary to insistent claims that elections were democratic, clean and credible.

Duterte’s rise to the presidency is a reflection of the deepening and aggravating crisis of the semicolonial and semifeudal system. He was able to draw broad support from the people because he presented himself as sympathetic to their discontent and deep desire to put an end to the oppressive and rotten ruling system.

Duterte’s election also reflects the deepening factional strife among the ruling classes. He polarized the political elite with his cuss-filled bluster.

In running his election campaign, he relied on the strength of contributions by big business and political groups, kingmakers, religious sects, military cliques and other interest groups in his presidential campaign kitty, in exchange for economic and political favors come payback time. He spent billions to fund his media and advertising campaign, as well as his technology-supported social media campaign.

Duterte and his allies advocate federalism criticizing scant national attention and resources, slow delivery of services and failure to develop the local economies. Such a proposal is a reflection of the demand of the ruling classes to further divvy up the country’s resources among the ruling elite.

Certain sections of the political elite support Duterte in the hope of pushing his anti-crime crusade to justify the establishment of a police state. They seek the imposition of more draconian measures to suppress workers’ democratic rights and people’s human rights to more effectively carry out the exploitation and plunder of the country’s human and natural resources.

With Duterte set to become GRP president, for the first time, the Philippine client-state is to be headed by one who is not completely beholden to the US imperialists. Duterte has railed against the US and the US CIA for whisking away its agent Michael Meiring who accidentally exploded the improvised bomb he was preparing inside a Davao hotel during the height of the 2003 US terror bombings in Mindanao. He has opposed the use of the Davao airport as a base for US drone operations and has spoken disfavorably against the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA). Duterte has slammed the current US and Australian ambassadors for political meddling after recently making comments about his tasteless rape joke.

On the other hand, the rest of the political elite are largely pro-US and favor US dominance and military presence. The CIA and US military and its local agents continue to hold sway over most aspects of the ruling state, especially the AFP. Duterte himself is appointing pro-US and pro-IMF/WB officials to head his economic team. The US also continues to hold dominant sway in the Philippine congress, the Supreme Court, the GRP economic policy and finance agencies, media and cultural organizations.

If Duterte seriously and vigorously pursues his promise to eradicate criminality, especially widespread drug trade within three to six months, he will likely drive a wedge deep into the ranks of military and police generals and bureaucrat capitalists who are protectors, operators and associates of criminal syndicates.

He has bared his intention of declaring a ceasefire as one of his first acts as president in order to boost peace negotiations with the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP), as well as with various groups representing the Moro people. He has been shown respect and has even flaunted his friendship with the revolutionary forces to the chagrin of the militarists who seek only the suppression of the people’s resistance.

Duterte has styled himself a maverick, an anti-establishment politico and a “socialist” and claims he will be the country’s first “Left president.” Duterte’s avowal of being a socialist, his anti-US fulminations, openness to develop relations with China and enthusiasm for peace negotiations with the revolutionary forces will not sit well among the more rabid defenders of US military intervention, hegemonism and counterinsurgency dogma.

II. Prospects of accelerated peace negotiations with the Duterte regime
After 15 years of stalled NDFP-GRP peace negotiations, the Filipino people are highly desirous of progress in efforts to attain a negotiated political settlement of the long-running civil war.

Certain progressive aspects in Duterte’s discourse, his recognition of both the political legitimacy and armed political strength of the revolutionary movement and his history of cooperation with the revolutionary forces in Mindanao, make possible the acceleration of peace negotiations.

The CPP and revolutionary forces welcomes Duterte’s plan to seriously pursue the NDFP-GRP peace negotiations as well as his plan to visit The Netherlands in order to personally meet NDFP senior political consultant Prof. Jose Ma. Sison and the Utrecht-based NDFP peace panel.

The CPP fully supports the NDFP proposal, put forward by Prof. Jose Ma. Sison, to pursue NDFP-GRP peace negotiations under the Duterte government with the aim of forging an agreement to establish a government of national unity, peace and development.

Duterte and Prof. Sison can forge a plan for accelerated peace negotiations with the aim of forging comprehensive agreements addressing the substantive issues in a matter of a few months. The CPP and NPA are open to consider proposals for a mutual ceasefire during the definite period of peace negotiations.

The revolutionary forces expect Duterte to recognize and uphold all standing agreements signed by the NDFP and the GRP over the past 20 years, including The Hague Joint Declaration of 1992 which has served as framework and anchor of the negotiations; the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG); the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL) of 1998; and so on.

Necessarily, among the first measures that need to be carried out by the Duterte regime to boost peace negotiations would be the release all detained NDFP consultants and facilitation of their travel to a neutral territory where negotiations can be conducted. They were treacherously arrested in violation of earlier agreements and made to suffer unjust prolonged imprisonment.

III. Challenge for significant reforms under Duterte
Duterte’s rhetoric has raised high the people’s expectations for substantial and accelerated reforms.
As an avowed opponent of US meddling, Duterte has the unique opportunity to end the 70 year chain of US puppet governments since the 1946 Roxas regime.

He can undo Aquino’s legacy of national humiliation for having served as a pawn in the US “Asia pivot” strategy by allowing the US to restore its military bases and maintain permanent presence of its warships, jetfighters, drones and interventionist troops.
To countervail Aquino’s puppetry, he must withdraw his stand to let the EDCA stand. He must immediately notifiy the US government of his intent to abrogate the EDCA which was signed as an executive agreement in April 2014. He must rescind the EDCA-sanctioned use of five AFP camps as US military bases and facilities.

He can serve the US notice to end the unequal Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA), the Mutual Logistics Support Agreement (MLSA) and the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) as well as the Mutual Defense Treaty of 1951, the parent agreement and source of all military iniquities.

He can immediately send home US Ambassador Goldberg for interference in Philippine internal affairs.

Duterte can be the first Philippine president to pursue an independent foreign policy, one that is not beholden to and dependent on the US. Towards this, Duterte must condemn US war-mongering and US-China saber-rattling and oppose militarization of the territorial sea by the US and Chinese military forces. He must disallow the US military to use the Philippines as base for its interventionism. If he does, he is bound to be the Philippines’ first world-class president who stood for Philippine sovereignty and prevented the military buildup in the region.

He must oppose the US demand to effect charter change to remove the remaining restrictions against foreign ownership as requirement for Philippine integration into the Trans-Pacific Partnership, dubbed as the “dirtiest deal ever”.

Corollarily, he can pursue a policy of developing mutually-beneficial economic and trade relations with China with an aim of ending economic and trade dependence on the US. He can pursue a policy of engaging China in bilateral talks to peacefully resolve the South China Sea conflict and oppose US military presence in the area. He can take advantage of the availability of low-interest funds from China’s Asian International Infrastructure Bank (AIIB) to support the development of local industry and manufacturing.

Duterte can choose to forge agreements with oil producing countries such as Venezuela, Russia or Iran for state centralized procurement of cheap oil which has been a non-option so far because of the US-defined Philippine foreign policy.

As an ardent anti-crime and anti-corruption advocate, the challenge is for Duterte to prioritize the biggest criminals. The small-fry criminals will disappear without their big fish protectors and sharks up high in the bureaucracy and military and police organization.

He can immediately carry out the arrest and swift prosecution of Benigno Aquino III, Florencio Abad and the biggest criminal perpetrators of the trillion-peso DAP swindle and prevent them from leaving the country. He must follow-through with the prosecution of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and ensure that she is held criminally responsible for the anomalous ZTE broadband deal and other corruption cases, including fraud in the 2004 elections.

The biggest drug lords and criminal syndicates continue to expand their operations under the protection of the top generals of the AFP and PNP. To address the widespread drug trade, Duterte will have to risk subjecting the top echelons of the military and police to a major shakedown to weed out, charge and punish the criminals. Street-level drug pushers and users must be rehabilitated through employment and by establishing centers for medical and psychological rehabilitation from drug abuse.

Duterte has rightly declared his plan to prioritize agriculture, education and health. He must immediately address the urgent needs of the toiling masses of workers and peasants.

To develop agriculture, Duterte is challenged to heed the clamor for genuine land reform which is both an urgent economic and social justice measure. Genuine land reform is the free distribution of land to the peasant tillers and producers. The fake land reform of the past 30 years was a burdensome real estate transaction where peasants were made to pay for the land that they have already earned through years of feudal exactions.

Duterte must cancel all unpaid amortization as well as absorb loans where land titles were collateralized under the prenda system. He can work with peasant organizations to effect genuine land distribution of Hacienda Luisita, as well as Hacienda Dolores and many other feudal land holdings. He can put an immediate stop to the widespread land-use conversion of farmlands and privatization of public lands that have resulted widespread eviction of peasants and national minorities from their lands.

As an economic policy, genuine land reform can unleash the productive potentials of the peasant masses as land owners and expand the local market for manufactured commodities.

A correlated national industrialization policy must be geared, among others, towards the mechanization of agriculture in order to boost food production and processing to ensure sufficient supply of low-priced rice, poultry, meat and vegetables. Irrigation facilities must be expanded and funded for the free use of the peasant producers.

Duterte has declared he is not much of an economist and said he will listen to the experts. Unfortunately, the supposed experts he is set to appoint are technocrats and big businessmen who excel at neoliberal economic policies and serve foreign big capitalists, and not at promoting domestic economic growth and production. They advocate the economics of “attracting foreign investments” and “easing restrictions” as sought by the US and foreign big capitalists.

In framing economic policies, Duterte should listen first to the workers and peasants, rather than big business and technocrats who advocate the same failed economic policy of more than half a century. This is decisive. Failure to do so will, in the end, prove his regime to have been simply part of the neoliberal continuum.

To aim for rapid Philippine independent economic modernization with balanced and integrated development of heavy, medium and light industries, Duterte must repudiate the neoliberal thrusts of liberalization, privatization, deregulation and denationalization of the previous regimes. Advancing land reform and national industrialization will generate jobs and end the need for such palliatives as the conditional cash transfer (4Ps) that only perpetuate the people’s poverty and smokescreen the deterioration of public social services.
The Duterte regime must heed the demand of workers and employees for a national minimum wage and the abolition of the regionalization of wages. He must end contractualization and take back his earlier statements against unions and workers rights. Without their unions, workers have nothing to defend themselves against attacks on wages.

In education, Duterte is challenged to scrap the K-12 program which generalizes technical and vocational education to produce cheap contractual labor for export and for export-oriented semi-manufacturing. He must reverse the policy of state abandonment of education and uphold state policy of providing free education for all.

He can push for the integration of education with independent economic modernization through the promotion of research and development in the fields of agricultural production, energy generation, manufacturing, computer technology, new materials and others. To leave a lasting legacy of patriotism, he must gear education to a patriotic cultural renewal by rewriting history from the point of view of the Filipino people instead of its colonial subjugators.

In public health, Duterte is challenged to revoke the policy of privatization of public hospitals and uphold the state policy of providing free public health care for all. He can end the Philhealth milking cow system of private health insurance and instead ensure that everyone is given access to free health care.

He must deliver the basic social services demanded by the people and recast the national budget to allot sufficient funds for education, health, housing and such.

Furthermore, Duterte must cancel Aquino’s highly questionable PPP contracts, including the MRT Cavite extension, which gives the Ayalas, Cojuangcos, Consunjis, Pangilinans and other big bourgeois compradors undue advantage in using state funds and state-guaranteed loans and government assured profits.

In the field of human rights, Duterte must effect the release from prison of close to six hundred political prisoners who continue to suffer from detention, mostly peasants and workers, who are facing trumped-up charges. Duterte can effect their release from prison as a boost to his government’s effort to uphold human rights and as a turn back on his endorsement of vigilante killings.

He must pave the way for the return of the Lumad evacuees by ordering the pull-out of the operating troops of the AFP from their schools, communities and land and allow the people to re-open their community-run schools. He must heed the demand for justice of the Lumad people and recognize their all-encompassing rights as a national minority people, as well as those of other minority groups.

He must undertake steps to punish all violators of human rights of the past thirty years. He must put a stop to extra-judicial killings. He must heed the demand to put an end to the US-instigated Oplan Bayanihan “counterinsurgency” operations and militarization of the countryside.

IV. Challenges to the Filipino people and the revolutionary movement
While engaging the Duterte regime in peace negotiations and possible alliance in order to advance the national and democratic aspirations of the Filipino people, the revolutionary forces will continue to relentlessly advance the people’s armed resistance and democratic mass struggles. While open to cooperation and alliance, they must relentlessly criticize and oppose any and all anti-people and pro-imperialist policy and measure. There will be no honeymoon with the Duterte regime.

While incoming GRP President Duterte has displayed progressive aspects, the revolutionary forces are also aware that he is mainly a part of the ruling class political elite.

For the past four decades, he has served the system as a bureaucrat and implemented its laws and policies. He has worked with foreign and local big capitalists, plantation owners and big landlords who expect returns under his regime. The masses of workers, peasants and farm workers in Davao City have long-suffered from the oppressive and exploitative conditions in the big plantations and export-oriented contract-growing businesses.

In his policy pronouncements, Duterte has yet to declare a clear deviation from the dominant neoliberal economic thinking which has brought about grave hardships to the Filipino people for more than three decades.

Indeed, world history has seen the rise of anti-US leaders in US-dominated countries under certain conditions. In recent years, Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez (1999-2013) and Bolivia’s Evo Morales (2006-present) have stood militantly to defend their country’s right to self-determination.

Their anti-imperialism allowed their government to free large amounts of resources such as land and oil from foreign control and accrue these to the people in the form of increasing state subsidies for education and public health. On the other hand, while clearly benefiting from their government’s anti-imperialism and increasing resources for the delivery of social and economic services, the broad masses of workers and peasants continued to suffer from oppression and exploitation because foreign big capitalists and landlords remained dominant in other fields of the economy and state power.

The worsening conditions of the semicolonial and semifeudal system, the deepening factional strife among the ruling classes, the prolonged recession of the US and the rise of China as a competing imperialist power are among the prevailing conditions where we find the rise of political maverick Rodrigo Duterte as GRP president.

The Filipino people and their revolutionary forces keenly look forward to the possibility of forging an alliance with the Duterte regime within a framework for national unity, peace and development. Duterte’s mettle is about to be tested. Will he walk his talk and take on the opportunity to stand up against US imperialism? Or will his bombast end up as empty rhetoric?

Duterte must heed the people’s mounting clamor for land, jobs, wage increases, free education, public health and housing, reduction in the price of commodities, defense of Philippine sovereignty against US intervention, defense of national patrimony and economic progress and modernization, an end to corruption and crime in the bureaucracy, military and the police.

If he fails or refuses to heed the people’s clamor, he is bound to end up a mere historical anomaly and suffer the same fate as the Estrada regime.

The Filipino people are ever ready to intensify the people’s war to advance the revolution and mass struggles to amplify their democratic demands.

The New People’s Army must continue to carry out the tasks set forth by the CPP Central Committee to intensify the people’s war by launching more frequent tactical offensives and seizing more arms from the enemy.

Armed with a strategic and historical point-of-view, the Filipino proletariat and people know fully well that only a people’s democratic revolution can decisively and thoroughly end imperialist and local big bourgeois comprador and landlord rule by overthrowing its armed state.

By intensifying their struggles, the Filipino people are bound to attain more and more victories in the years to come. The people’s war is set to press forward under the Duterte regime.




Mga haharapin sa ilalim ni Duterte

Komite Sentral  | Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas 

photo: philstar

photo: philstar

Inilulugar ng Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP) at lahat ng rebolusyonaryong pwersa ang kabuluhan ng paglitaw ni Davao Mayor Rodrigo Duterte bilang pangunahing pulitikal na kinatawan ng naghaharing uri at pinuno ng reaksyunaryong kliyenteng estado at ang mga idudulot nito sa pagsusulong ng pambansa-demokratikong rebolusyon sa pamamagitan ng digmang bayan.

1. Kabuluhan ng pagkakahalal kay Duterte bilang presidente 

Ang pagkakahalal kay Davao City Mayor Rodrigo Duterte bilang susunod na presidente ng Gubyerno ng Republika ng Pilipinas (GRP) ay malinaw na pagwaksi sa ipinamamarali ni Aquino na “mabuting pamahalaan,” “inclusive growth” at “tuwid na daan.” Dinaig niya si Mar Roxas, ang kandidato ng naghaharing rehimen na may napakalaking pondo at pampulitikang suporta.

Mariing inatake ni Duterte ang rehimeng Aquino at itinanghal ang sarili bilang kabaligtaran ng pamumunong oligarkiya at asendero, batid ang malalim na galit ng mamamayang Pilipino sa rehimeng Aquino at sa anim na taon nito ng korupsyon, panlilinlang, pagkatuta at lansakang kakulangan ng pagtugon sa pangangailangan ng mamamayang

Sa pamamagitan ng paghamig ng malawak na suporta, pagpapakilos ng malalaking bilang ng mga tao, pagtatambol sa social media at hi-tech na mga kontra-aksyon, napigilan ni Duterte ang mga plano ng rehimeng US-Aquino na gamitin ang de-kompyuter na sistema ng pagbibilang upang nakawin sa kanya ang pagkakahalal. Gayunpaman, malakas ang mga indikasyon na ang mga resulta ng halalan ay minanipula para palakihin ang boto ni Roxas, paburan ang mga kandidato ni Aquino sa bise-presidente at senador, gayundin upang pigilan ang mga progresibong partylist na makakuha ng dagdag na mga pwesto sa parlamento.

Kabilang ang mga asasinasyong kaugnay ng eleksyon, bentahan ng boto, paggamit ng pondo ng mamamayan, paglipat-lipat ng partido, de-kompyuter na dayaan, at iba pa, ang katatapos na reaksyunaryong halalan ay kasing dumi at bulok ng dati, salungat sa paggigiit na ito ay demokratiko, malinis at kapani-paniwala.

Ang pag-akyat ni Duterte bilang presidente ay sumasalamin sa papalalim at papalalang krisis ng malakolonyal at malapyudal na sistema. Nahatak niya ang malawak na suporta ng mamamayan dahil ipinakilala niya ang sarili bilang karamay sa kanilang diskuntento at malalim na pagnanais na tapusin na ang mapang-api at bulok na naghaharing sistema.

Ang pagkakahalal kay Duterte ay sumasalamin din ng lumalalim na paksyunal na tunggalian sa hanay ng naghaharing uri. Hinati niya ang mga pulitikong elite sa kanyang buladas na puno ng pagmumura.

Sa pagpapaandar ng kanyang kampanya sa eleksyon, inasahan niyang magpopondo sa kanyang kampanya ang mga kontribusyon ng malalaking negosyante at grupong pulitikal, mga kingmaker, relihiyosong sekta, pangkating militar at iba pang mga interesadong grupo, kapalit ng pang-ekonomya at pampulitikang pabor pagdating ng panahon. Gumastos siya ng bilyon sa kanyang kampanya sa midya at sa patalastas, gayundin sa kanyang kampanya sa social media.

Itinataguyod ni Duterte at ng kanyang mga alyado ang pederalismo na pumupuna sa kakulangan ng pambansang atensyon at rekurso, mabagal na pagbibigay ng mga serbisyong panlipunan at kakulangan sa pagpapaunlad sa mga lokal na ekonomya. Ang gayong panukala ay salamin ng kahilingan ng mga naghaharing uri na lalupang paghati-hatian ang mga rekurso ng bayan sa pagitan nila.

May ilang seksyon ng mga pulitikong elite ang sumusuporta kay Duterte sa pag-asang maitulak ang kanyang krusada laban sa krimen upang mabigyang katwiran ang pagtatayo ng isang estadong-pulis. Ninanais nila ang pagpataw ng mas mahihigpit na hakbang sa pagsupil sa demokratikong mga karapatan ng mga manggagawa at karapatang tao ng mamamayan upang maging lalong mabisa ang kanilang pagsasamantala at pandarambong sa yamang-tao at likas na yaman ng bayan.

Sa pag-upo ni Duterte bilang presidente ng GRP, sa unang pagkakataon, ang kliyenteng-estadong Pilipinas ay pamumunuan ng isang hindi lubos na tali sa mga imperyalistang US. Dating kinagalitan ni Duterte ang US at ang US CIA sa pagpupuslit sa kanilang ahenteng si Michael Meiring na aksidenteng nakapasabog ng inihahanda niyang bomba sa loob ng isang hotel sa Davao sa kasagsagan ng mga teroristang pambobomba ng US sa Mindanao noong 2002. Tinutulan niya ang paggamit sa paliparan ng Davao bilang base ng mga operasyong drone ng US at pinuna niya ang EDCA. Tinuligsa ni Duterte ang kasalukuyang mga ambassador ng US at Australia sa pulitikal na pakikialam matapos magkomentaryo sa kanyang masagwang biro tungkol sa panggagahasa.

Sa kabilang banda, marami sa mga pulitikong elite ay maka-US at pabor sa paghahari at presensyang militar ng US. Ang CIA at militar ng US at lokal na mga ahente nito ay nangingibabaw sa maraming aspeto ng naghaharing estado, laluna sa AFP. Pinalilibutan mismo ni Duterte ang kanyang sarili ng mga opisyal na maka-US at maka-IMF/WB. Patuloy ring nangingibabaw ang US sa kongreso ng Pilipinas, sa Korte Suprema, sa mga patakarang pang-ekonomya ng GRP at mga ahensya sa pinansya, midya at mga organisasyong pangkultura.
Kung tototohanin at masiglang itutuloy ni Duterte ang kanyang pangakong pawiin ang kriminalidad, laluna ang malawakang kalakalan sa droga sa loob ng tatlo hanggang anim na buwan, malamang na lilikha ito ng malalim na bitak sa hanay ng mga heneral ng militar at pulisya at mga burukrata kapitalistang protektor, opereytor at kabakas ng mga sindikatong kriminal.

Inihayag na niya ang kanyang layuning magdeklara ng tigil-putukan bilang isa sa mga unang hakbang bilang presidente upang isulong ang usapang pangkapayapaan sa NDFP, gayundin sa iba’t ibang mga grupong kumakatawan sa mamamayang Moro. Nirespeto niya at pinangalandakan pa nga ang kanyang pakikipagkaibigan sa rebolusyonaryong mga pwersa sa laking dismaya ng mga militaristang ang gusto lamang ay supilin ang paglaban ng mamamayan.

Itinanghal ni Duterte na siya’y naiiba, isang pulitikong kontra-establisimento at isang “sosyalista” at nagpapahayag na siya ang magiging unang “Kaliwang presidente” ng bayan. Ang pagsabi ni Duterte na siya’y sosyalista, ang kanyang anti-US na mga pagbatikos, kahandaang magpaunlad ng relasyon sa China at kasigasigan para sa usapang pangkayapaan sa mga pwersang rebolusyonaryo ay hindi magiging katanggap-tanggap sa mga masugid na tagapagtanggol sa dogma ng interbensyong militar ng US, hegemonismo at kontra-insurhensya.

2. Ang hinaharap ng pinabilis na negosasyong pangkapayapaan sa rehimeng Duterte

Matapos ang 15 taong pagkabalam ng negosasyong pangkapayapaan ng NDFP at GRP, marubdob na inaasam ng mamamayang Pilipino ang pag-usad ng mga pagsisikap na matamo ang isang napagkasunduang pampulitikang resolusyon sa matagalang digmaang sibil.

Ang ilang progresibong aspeto sa pagsasalita ni Duterte, ang kanyang pagkilala kapwa sa pagiging lehitimong pwersang pampulitika at sa armadong pampulitikang kapangyarihan ng rebolusyonaryong kilusan at ang kasaysayan ng kanyang pakikipagtulungan sa mga rebolusyonaryong pwersa sa Mindanao, ay maaaring magpabilis sa negosasyong pangkapayapaan.

Ikinalulugod ng PKP at ng mga rebolusyonaryong pwersa ang plano ni Duterte na seryosong ipagpatuloy ang negosasyong pangkapayapaan sa pagitan ng NDFP at GRP gayundin ang kanyang plano na bumisita sa The Netherlands upang personal na makipagpulong sa senior political consultant ng NDFP na si Prof. Jose Ma. Sison at ang NDFP peace panel sa Utrecht.

Buo ang suporta ng PKP sa panukala ng NDFP na inihapag ni Prof. Jose Ma. Sison, na ipagpatuloy ang negosasyong pangkapayapaang NDFP-GRP sa ilalim ng gubyernong Duterte sa layuning makapagbuo ng kasunduang magtatatag ng isang gubyerno ng pambansang pagkakaisa, kapayapaan at kaunlaran.

Makakapagbuo sina Duterte at Prof. Sison ng plano para sa pinabilis na negosasyong pangkapayapaan na naglalayong makapagbalangkas, sa loob ng ilang buwan, ng mga kumprehensibong kasunduang tutugon sa mga pundamental na usapin. Bukas ang PKP at BHB na ikunsidera ang mga panukala para sa sabayang tigil-putukan sa takdang panahon ng negosasyong pangkapayapaan.

Inaasahan ng mga rebolusyonaryong pwersa na kikilalanin at itataguyod ni Duterte ang lahat ng umiiral na kasunduang pinirmahan ng NDFP at GRP sa nakalipas na 20 taon, kabilang ang The Hague Joint Declaration ng 1992 na siyang nagsilbing balangkas at batayan ng mga negosasyon; ang Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG); ang Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL) ng 1998; at iba pa.

Dapat lamang maging kabilang sa mga unang hakbang na ipatutupad ng rehimeng Duterte upang itaguyod ang negosasyong pangkapayapaan ang pagpapalaya ng lahat ng nakadetineng konsultant ng NDFP at pagtiyak na makabibiyahe sila patungo sa nyutral na teritoryo kung saan idaraos ang mga negosasyon. Sila ay pataksil na inaresto, labag sa naunang mga kasunduan at pinagdusa ng di-makatarungang pagkakabilanggo nang mahabang panahon.

3. Hamon para sa mga makabuluhang reporma sa ilalim ni Duterte 

Ang mga pahayag ni Duterte ay nagpataas sa mga inaasahan ng mamamayan para sa makabuluhan at mabibilis na reporma.

Bilang isang deklaradong katunggali ng pakikialam ng US, may natatanging pagkakataon si Duterte na wakasan ang 70-taong kadena ng mga papet na gubyerno ng US mula pa sa rehimeng Roxas noong 1946.

Magagawa niyang baligtarin ang ipinamana ni Aquino na pambansang kahihiyan ng pagiging tau-tauhan sa estratehiyang “pihit sa Asia” ng US nang pahintulutan ang US na ipanumbalik ang mga baseng militar nito at magmantine ng permanenteng presensya ng mga barkong pandigma, jetfighter, drone at tropang interbensyunista.

Upang makontra ang pagkapapet ni Aquino, dapat niyang bawiin ang kanyang paninindigang manatili ang Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA). Dapat niyang agad na abisuhan ang gubyernong US sa kanyang balak na ipawalambisa ang EDCA na pinirmahan bilang isang ehekutibong kasunduan noong Abril 2014. Dapat niyang kanselahin ang pagpahintulot ng EDCA na gamitin ang limang kampo ng AFP bilang mga base at pasilidad militar ng US.

Maaari niyang paabutan ang US ng balak na tapusin ang di-pantay na Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA), ang Mutual Logistics Support Agreement (MLSA) at ang Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) gayundin ang Mutual Defense Treaty ng 1951, ang punong kasunduan at ugat ng lahat ng di pagkakapantay-pantay pangmilitar.

Maaari niyang agad na pauwiin si US Ambassador Goldberg dahil sa pakikialam sa mga usaping panloob ng Pilipinas.

Si Duterte ay maaaring maging kauna-unahang presidente ng Pilipinas na magpapatupad ng nagsasariling patakarang panlabas, yaong hindi nakatali at nakaasa sa US. Tungo rito, dapat kundenahin ni Duterte ang pang-uupat ng digma ng US at paggirian ng US at China at labanan ang militarisasyon ng mga pwersang militar ng US at China sa teritoryal na karagatan. Dapat niyang pagbawalan ang militar ng US na gamitin ang Pilipinas bilang base ng kanyang interbensyunismo. Kapag ginawa niya ito, siya ang magiging kauna-unahang “world-class” na presidente ng Pilipinas na nanindigan para sa soberanya ng Pilipinas at pumigil sa pagpapaigting-militar sa rehiyon.

Dapat niyang tutulan ang itinutulak ng US na pagbabago sa konstitusyon upang tanggalin ang natitirang mga pagbabawal sa dayuhang pagmamay-ari bilang rekisito para makapasok ang Pilipinas sa Trans-Pacific Partnership, na tinaguriang “pinakamaruming kasunduan”.

Kaakibat nito, maaari siyang magpatupad ng patakaran sa pagpapaunlad ng pang-ekonomya at pangkalakalang ugnayan na mutwal na kapaki-pakinabang sa Pilipinas at sa China, sa layuning wakasan ang pang-ekonomya at pangkalakalang pagsandig sa US. Maaari siyang magpatupad ng patakaran ng bilateral na pakikipag-usap sa China upang mapayapang resolbahin ang tunggalian sa South China Sea at salungatin ang presensyang militar ng US sa erya. Maaari niyang samantalahin ang mga pondong may mababang interes mula sa Asian International Infrastructure Bank (AIIB) ng China upang suportahan ang pagpapaunlad ng lokal na industriya at manupaktura.

Maaaring itulak ni Duterte ang pagbubuo ng mga kasunduan sa mga bansang pinagkukunan ng langis katulad ng Venezuela, Russia o Iran para sa sentralisadong pagbili ng estado ng murang langis na dati’y hindi magawa dahil sa ugnayang panlabas ng Pilipinas na nakatali sa US.

Bilang marubdob na tagasuporta ng kontra-krimen at kontra-korupsyon, ang hamon kay Duterte ay ang pag-una sa pinakamalalaking kriminal. Ang maliliit na isdang kriminal ay maglalaho kung wala ang kanilang malalaking isdang protektor at mga pating na nasa pinakamataas na burukrasya at organisasyon ng militar at pulisya.

Maaari niyang agad na ipatupad ang pag-aresto at mabilis na paglilitis kay Benigno Aquino III, Florencio Abad at sa pinakamalalaking kriminal na responsable sa paglustay ng trilyon-pisong panggagantsong DAP at pigilan silang lumabas ng bansa. Dapat niyang tapusin ang paglilitis kay Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo at tiyaking mapapanagot siya sa kriminal na responsibilidad sa maanomalyang kasunduang broadband sa ZTE at iba pang kaso ng korupsyon, kabilang na ang pandaraya sa eleksyong 2004.

Patuloy na nagpapalawak ng kanilang mga operasyon ang pinakamalalaking drug lord at kriminal na sindikato sa ilalim ng proteksyon ng pinakamatataas na heneral ng AFP at PNP. Sa paglutas ng malaganap na kalakalan ng droga, kakailanganing isugal ni Duterte ang pagpapailalim sa pinakamataas na pamunuan ng militar at pulisya sa isang mayor na pagrekisa upang ihiwalay, kasuhan, at parusahan ang mga kriminal. Ang maliliit na nagtutulak at gumagamit ng droga ay dapat tulungang magbago sa pamamagitan ng pag-eempleyo sa kanila at pagtatatag ng mga sentro para sa medikal at sikolohikal na rehabilitasyon mula sa pag-abuso sa droga.

Wastong idineklara ni Duterte ang kanyang planong unahin ang agrikultura, edukasyon at kalusugan. Dapat niyang agad na lutasin ang kagyat na mga pangangailangan ng masang anakpawis na manggagawa at magbubukid.

Upang mapaunlad ang agrikultura, hinahamon si Duterte na tugunan ang hinaing para sa tunay na reporma sa lupa na kapwa kagyat na hakbanging pang-ekonomya at para sa katarungang panlipunan. Ang tunay na reporma sa lupa ay ang libreng pamamahagi ng lupa sa mga magsasakang nagbubungkal ng lupa. Ang pekeng reporma sa lupa ng nagdaang 30 taon ay napakabigat na pasanin sa bentahan ng lupa kung saan pinagbayad ang mga magbubukid na dati na nilang nakamit sa matagal na panahon ng pyudal na paghuhuthot.

Dapat kanselahin ni Duterte ang lahat ng di-nabayarang amortisasyon at akuin ang mga utang kung saan ginawang kolateral sa prenda ang mga titulo ng lupa. Maaari siyang makipagtulungan sa mga organisasyon ng masang magbubukid upang magpatupad ng tunay na distribusyon ng lupa sa Hacienda Luisita, gayundin sa Hacienda Dolores at maraming iba pang pyudal na pag-aaring lupain. Maaari niyang agad na ipahinto ang malawakang pagpapalit-gamit ng mga lupang sakahan at pribatisasyon ng pampublikong mga lupain na nagresulta sa malawakang pagpapalayas sa mga magbubukid at pambansang minorya mula sa kanilang mga lupain.

Bilang isang patakarang pang-ekonomya, mapakakawalan ng tunay na reporma sa lupa ang produktibong potensyal ng masang magbubukid bilang mga nagmamay-ari ng lupa at mapalalawak ang pamilihan para sa mga manupaktura.

Ang isang kaugnay na patakaran para sa pambansang industriyalisasyon ay dapat ituon sa mekanisasyon ng agrikultura upang ibunsod ang paglikha at pagproseso ng pagkain upang tiyakin ang sapat na suplay ng mababang presyong bigas, poltri, karne, at gulay. Dapat na palawakin ang mga pasilidad sa irigasyon at laanan ng pondo para sa libreng paggamit ng mga magsasaka.

Idineklara ni Duterte na hindi siya ekonomista at sinabing makikinig siya sa mga eksperto. Sa kasamaang-palad, ang mga sinasabing ekspertong kanyang itatalaga ay mga teknokrata at malalaking negosyanteng nangunguna sa mga neoliberal na patakarang pang-ekonomya at nagsisilbi sa malalaking dayuhang kapitalista, at hindi sa pagtutulak ng lokal na pang-ekonomyang pag-unlad at produksyon. Itinataguyod nila ang ekonomya ng “pag-akit sa dayuhang pamumuhunan” at “pagbawas ng mga restriksyon” na siyang hinahangad ng US at malalaking dayuhang kapitalista.

Sa pagbalangkas ng mga patakarang pang-ekonomya, dapat munang pakinggan ni Duterte ang mga manggagawa’t magsasaka, sa halip na malalaking negosyo at teknokrata na nagtataguyod ng iisang patakarang pang-ekonomyang mahigit kalahating siglo nang bigo. Mapagpasya ito. Ang kabiguang gawin ito ay magpapatunay na sa huli, ang kanyang rehimen ay bahagi lamang ng isang tuluy-tuloy na kaayusang neoliberal.

Para abutin ang mabilis na nagsasariling pang-ekonomyang modernisasyon ng Pilipinas na may balansyado at kaakibat na pagpapaunlad ng mabibigat, katamtaman at magagaan na industriya, dapat na iwaksi ni Duterte ang mga neoliberal na liberalisasyon, pribatisasyon, deregulasyon at denasyunalisasyon na tinahak ng mga nagdaang rehimen. Ang pagsusulong ng reporma sa lupa at pambansang industriyalisasyon ay lilikha ng empleyo at magwawakas sa pangangailangang magkaroon pa ng mga programang pantapal tulad ng conditional cash transfer (4Ps) na nagpapalawig lamang sa pagdarahop ng mamamayan at tumatabing sa pagkabulok ng pampublikong serbisyong panlipunan.

Dapat pagtuunan ng pansin ng rehimeng Duterte ang kahingian ng mga manggagawa at empleyado para sa pambansang minimum na sahod at pagbasura sa wage regionalization. Dapat niyang wakasan ang kontraktwalisasyon at bawiin ang kanyang naunang mga pahayag laban sa mga karapatan ng mga unyon at manggagawa. Kung wala ang kanilang mga unyon, walang pananggol ang mga manggagawa laban sa mga atake sa kanilang mga sahod.

Sa larangan ng edukasyon, hinahamon si Duterte na ibasura ang K-12 program na ginagawang panlahatan ang edukasyong teknikal at vocational upang lumikha ng murang kontraktwal na lakas-paggawa para sa eksport at para sa nakatuon-sa-eksport na mala-manupaktura. Dapat niyang baligtarin ang patakaran ng pagtalikod ng estado sa edukasyon at itaguyod ang patakarang pang-estado na magbigay ng libreng edukasyon para sa lahat.

Maaari niyang isanib ang edukasyon sa nagsasariling pang-ekonomyang modernisasyon sa pamamagitan ng pagtulak sa pananaliksik at pagpapaunlad sa mga larangan ng produksyong agrikultural, paglikha ng enerhiya, pagmanupaktura, teknolohiyang pangkompyuter, mga bagong materyales at iba pa. Upang makapag-iwan ng pangmatagalang pamana ng patriyotismo, dapat niyang ituon ang edukasyon tungo sa isang makabayang pagpapanibago ng kultura sa pamamagitan ng muling pagsusulat ng kasaysayan sa punto de bista ng mamamayang Pilipino sa halip ng kanilang mga kolonyal na mananakop.

Sa larangan ng pampublikong kalusugan, hinahamon si Duterte na ipawalambisa ang patakaran ng pribatisasyon ng mga pampublikong ospital at itaguyod ang patakarang pang-estado na pagbibigay ng libreng pampublikong kalusugan para sa lahat. Maaari niyang tuldukan ang Philhealth na isang palabigasang sistema ng pribadong segurong pangkalusugan. Sa halip, dapat niyang tiyakin na lahat ay nabibigyan ng libreng pangkalusugang atensyon.

Dapat niyang ibigay ang mga batayang serbisyong panlipunan na hinihingi ng mamamayan at baguhin ang pambansang badyet upang maglaan ng sapat na mga pondo para sa edukasyon, kalusugan, pabahay at iba pang mga serbisyo.

Dagdag pa, dapat kanselahin ni Duterte ang mga napaka-kwestyunableng kontrata sa PPP ni Aquino, kabilang na ang MRT Cavite extension, na nagbigay sa mga Ayala, Cojuangco, Cosunji, Pangilinan at iba pang malalaking burgesya kumprador ng di-makatarungang bentahe sa paggamit ng mga pampublikong pondo at mga pautang na ginarantiyahan ng estado at tubong tiniyak ng gubyerno.

Sa larangan ng karapatang-tao, dapat palayain ni Duterte ang halos 600 bilanggong pulitikal, na karamiha’y mga magsasaka at manggagawa, na patuloy na naghihirap sa pagkakakulong at nahaharap sa mga gawa-gawang kaso. Maipapatupad ni Duterte ang kanilang paglaya bilang pagpapataas sa pagsisikap ng kanyang gubyerno na itaguyod ang karapatang-tao at bilang pagtalikod sa pag-endorso sa ala-vigilante na pamamaslang.

Dapat niyang hawanin ang daan sa pagbabalik ng mga bakwit na Lumad sa pamamagitan ng pag-utos na paalisin ang mga nag-ooperasyong tropa ng AFP mula sa kanilang mga paaralan, komunidad at lupain at pahintulutan ang mamamayan na muling buksan ang mga paaralang pinatatakbo ng kanilang mga komunidad. Dapat niyang tugunan ang kahingian ng mamamayang Lumad para sa katarungan at kilalanin ang kanilang komprehensibong mga karapatan bilang pambansang minorya, gayundin ang iba pang grupong minorya.

Dapat siyang magsagawa ng mga hakbangin upang parusahan ang lahat ng tagalabag ng karapatang tao sa nagdaang 30 taon. Dapat niyang ipatigil ang ekstrahudisyal na pagpaslang. Dapat niyang tugunan ang kahingiang wakasan ang sulsol-ng-US na “kontrainsurhensyang” mga operasyong Oplan Bayanihan at ang militarisasyon ng kanayunan.

4. Mga hamon sa mamamayang Pilipino at rebolusyonaryong kilusan

Habang hinaharap ang rehimeng Duterte sa usapang pangkapayapaan at posibleng pakikipag-alyansa para isulong ang pambansa at demokratikong hangarin ng sambayanang Pilipino, walang humpay na isusulong ng mga rebolusyonaryong pwersa ang armadong paglaban ng bayan at mga demokratikong pakikibakang masa. Habang bukas sa pakikipagtulungan at alyansa, dapat walang-hupa ang kanilang pagpuna at paglaban sa lahat ng anti-mamamayan at maka-imperyalistang patakaran at hakbangin. Hindi magkakaroon ng “honeymoon” sa rehimeng Duterte.

Habang nagpakita ng ilang aspetong progresibo ang papasok na presidente ng GRP, mulat din ang mga rebolusyonaryong pwersa na sa pangunahin, siya ay kabilang sa mga pulitikong elite ng naghaharing uri.

Sa nagdaang apat na dekada, pinagsilbihan niya ang sistema bilang burukrata at ipinatupad ang mga batas at patakaran nito. Nakipag-ugnayan siya sa mga dayuhan at lokal na malalaking kapitalista, mga nagmamay-ari ng mga plantasyon at malalaking panginoong maylupa na umaasang makikinabang sa ilalim ng kanyang rehimen. Ang masang manggagawa, magsasaka at manggagawang bukid sa Davao City ay matagal nang nagdurusa sa mapang-api at mapagsamantalang kundisyon sa malalaking plantasyon at negosyong contract-growing na pang-eksport.

Sa inilahad na mga patakaran ni Duterte, wala pa siyang malinaw na paghiwalay sa naghaharing kaisipang neoliberal sa ekonomya na nagdulot ng malalang kahirapan sa mamamayang Pilipino sa nagdaang mahigit tatlong dekada.

Sadyang nakita na sa kasaysayan ng mundo ang paglitaw, sa ilalim ng ilang kundisyon, ng anti-US na mga lider sa mga bansang pinaghaharian ng US. Sa nagdaang ilang taon, sina Hugo Chavez ng Venezuela (1999-2013) at Evo Morales ng Bolivia (2006-kasalukuyan) ay militanteng nanindigan para ipagtanggol ang karapatan ng kanilang bansa sa pagpapasya-sa-sarili.

Sa pagtataguyod ng anti-imperyalismo, nagawa ng kanilang mga gubyerno na palayain ang malaking rekurso tulad ng lupa at langis mula sa dayong kontrol at ilaan ito sa mamamayan sa anyo ng papalaking subsidyo ng estado para sa edukasyon at pampublikong kalusugan. Sa kabilang panig, habang malinaw na nakinabang sa anti-imperyalismo at papalaking rekurso para sa pagbibigay ng serbisyong panlipunan at pang-ekonomya, patuloy na nagdusa ang malawak na masang manggagawa at magsasaka sa pang-aapi at pagsasamantala dahil nanatiling dominante ang dayong malalaking kapitalista at mga panginoong maylupa sa ibang larangan ng ekonomya at kapangyarihang pang-estado .

Ang lumalalang kalagayan ng malakolonyal at mala-pyudal na lipunan, ang lumalalim na tunggaliang paksyunal sa naghaharing uri, ang nagtatagal na resesyon ng US at pagbangon ng China bilang katunggaling imperyalistang kapangyarihan ay kabilang sa mga umiiral na kundisyon kung saan naganap ang pag-usbong ng naiibang pulitikong si Rodrigo Duterte bilang presidente ng GRP.

Taimtim na tinatanaw ng mamamayang Pilipino at kanilang mga rebolusyonaryong pwersa ang posibilidad na mabuo ang alyansa sa rehimeng Duterte sa balangkas ng pambansang pagkakaisa, kapayapaan at kaunlaran. Dito masusubukan si Duterte. Tototohanin ba niya ang kanyang salita at susunggaban ang oportunidad na manindigan laban sa imperyalismong US? O lalabas ba na puro lamang siyang hangin?

Dapat dinggin ni Duterte ang lumalakas na sigaw ng mamamayan para sa lupa, hanapbuhay, dagdag-sahod, libreng edukasyon, pagtatanggol sa soberanya ng Pilipinas laban sa panghihimasok ng US, pagtatanggol sa pambansang patrimonya at pag-unlad at modernisasyon ng ekonomya, at pagwawakas sa korupsyon at kriminalidad sa burukrasya, militar at pulis.

Kung mabigo o tumanggi siyang makinig, magiging isa lamang siyang anomalya ng kasaysayan at matutulad sa kinauwian ng rehimeng Estrada.

Handang-handa ang mamamayang Pilipino na paigtingin ang digmang bayan at isulong ang rebolusyon at mga pakikibakang masa para paalingawngawin ang kanilang mga demokratikong kahilingan.

Dapat patuloy na ipatupad ng Bagong Hukbong Bayan ang mga tungkuling itinakda ng Komite Sentral ng PKP na paigtingin ang digmang bayan sa pamamagitan ng paglulunsad ng mas maraming taktikal na opensiba at pagsamsam ng mas maraming sandata mula sa kaaway.

Tangan ang estratehiko at makasaysayang punto-de-bista, batid ng proletaryong Pilipino na sa pamamagitan lamang ng demokratikong rebolusyong bayan na mapagpasya at puspusang mawawakasan ang paghahari ng mga imperyalista, malalaking burgesyang komprador at panginoong maylupa sa pamamagitan ng pagbabagsak sa kanilang armadong estado.

Sa pagpapaigting ng kanilang mga pakikibaka, tiyak na makakamit ng mamamayang Pilipino ang higit na malalaking tagumpay sa mga darating na taon. Nakatakdang sumulong ang digmang bayan sa ilalim ng rehimeng Duterte.

On 43 fighting years of the NDFP and the NDF-EV’s views on the 2016 elections

We in Eastern Visayas celebrate today the 43rd anniversary of the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP), which was founded on April 24, 1973 at the height of Marcos’s martial law. The NDFP is the formal organization of the national united front. Along with the leadership of the working class and the armed struggle, the national united front serves as one of the three crucial weapons for the victory of the national democratic revolution with a socialist perspective. From working class leadership and the basic alliance of workers and peasants, the basic revolutionary forces are even further strengthened by the participation of the urban petty bourgeoisie, mobilizing the vacillating national bourgeoise, and taking advantage of the splits among the reactionary ruling classes to defeat them one by one, and through these bring to fruition the revolutionary democratic power of the people.

The national united front thus makes it possible to build the broadest unity to isolate and overthrow the ruling classes of landlords and comprador big bourgeoisie and their US imperialist master. Consequently, since the founding of the NDFP, the Filipino people have won brilliant victories in their mass struggles and uprisings, and learned important lessons in building their democratic power to serve the armed revolution.

The reactionaries frequently brandish the bourgeois elections to cajole the revolutionary organizations into participating. The NDFP does not and cannot join the bourgeois elections, not just because it is against revolutionary principles but because it is also a given that these are dominated by the reactionaries to block those who carry the people’s agenda of national sovereignty and democracy. Nevertheless, through revolutionary dual tactics, the NDFP can clarify to the people how farcical the elections are and help them how to regard the various election candidates with regard to their interests. This will strengthen the revolutionary struggle and have positive value for the peace talks and other long-term issues.

No one among the major presidential candidates, party and coalition except the Makabayan Bloc led by senatorial candidate Neri Colmenares offers any comprehensive program to assert national sovereignty, social and economic reforms, and other fundamental alternatives to the reactionary ruling system. However, all the five major presidential candidates have committed openness to the resumption of peace talks between the NDFP and the Government of the Philippines (GPH).

The Filipino people express their utmost aversion in ranking Mar Roxas lowest in surveys, but should remain vigilant against this anointed successor of the US-Aquino regime, who can still be engineered to win the elections and continue the anti-people attacks of neoliberal policy and counterrevolution.

Sen. Grace Poe has comprehensively defined the grounds for electoral alliance with the Makabayan Bloc including upholding national sovereignty and territorial integrity, respect for human rights, national industrialization and genuine land reform. Thus she is way ahead of Davao Mayor Rodrigo Duterte, despite his proposal to the NDFP for a coalition government, offer of a number of cabinet positions, and indicating the patriotic and progressive grounds for a just peace.

The Filipino people should actively oppose and defeat the ambition of Bongbong Marcos, son of the late dictator, who is running for the vice-presidency by spending vast sums from the money his family looted from the people estimated at more than $10 billion. Another leading vice-presidential aspirant, Sen. Francis Escudero, has expressed openness and perspective for long-term cooperation for solving the people’s basic problems.

In Eastern Visayas, the worst political dynasties and bureaucrat capitalists oppress and exploit the people to strengthen and further the ruling classes of landlords and compradors and their US imperialist master. They push the neoliberal policy that prevent genuine land reform and national industrialization, and they support counterrevolutionary programs such as Oplan Bayanihan that breed so many human rights violations. They are also behind illegal drugs, illegal gambling and private armies that commit so many election-related killings most deplorably exemplified in Calbayog City, Western Samar.

These local despots include former congressman Raul Daza and Gov. Jose Ong, Jr. and his nephew Edwin Ong who is running for congressman in Northern Samar, Cong. Milagrosa Tan who heads a dynasty in Western Samar, Cong. Ben Evardone in Eastern Samar, and Gov. Dominic Petilla in Leyte. They think they can rule forever but forget that the people and their armed revolutionary movement will continue to rise and grow stronger and cause their overthrow in the long run.

However the elections will turn out, the NDFP calls on the people that their choices should not be limited to thieves and criminals from the ruling classes. They can best of all choose the revolutionary armed struggle and fight to overthrow the reactionary ruling system and achieve a peaceful, just and progressive society. Revolution, not elections!

Waray version

Hiunong ha 43 katuig nga pakig-away han NDFP ngan an
pagkita han NDF-EV hiunong ha eleksyon ha 2016

Ginseselebrar naton yana ha Eastern Visayas an ika-43 nga anibersaryo han National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP), nga gintukod hadton Abril 24, 1973 ha pungkay han balaud militar ni Marcos. An NDFP an pormal nga organisasyon han nasyunal nga nagkakaurusa nga prente. Kaupod an pamumuno han klase nga trabahador ngan an armado nga rebolusyon, nagseserbe an nasyunal nga nagkakaurusa nga prente komo usa han tulo nga gamhanan nga armas para ha kadaugan han nasyunal demokratiko nga rebolusyon nga may sosyalista nga perspektiba. Tikang ha pamumuno han klase nga trabahador ngan han batakan nga alyansa han mga trabahador ngan parag-uma, dugang pa nga ginpapakusog an mga batakan nga rebolusyunaryo nga pwersa han partisipasyon han petiburgesya ha kasyudaran, pagpagios ha nasyunal burgesya nga may matiwug-tiwog nga kinaiya, ngan pagsingabot ha gutak giutan han reaksyunaryo nga naghahadi nga klase agud pausa-usa hira nga perdihon, ngan pinaagi hini bug-uson an rebolusyunaryo nga demokratiko nga poder han katawhan.

Ha sugad nahihimo nga posible han nasyunal nga nagkakaurusa nga prente nga matukod an pinakahiluag nga pagkaurusa agud ihimulag ngan rumpagon an naghahadi nga klase han mga agaron maytuna ngan dagko nga burgesya kumprador ngan an ira agaron nga imperyalismo nga US. Tungod hini, tikang han katukod han NDFP, naidaug han katawhan Pilipino an magranggat nga kadaugan ha ira mga panmasa nga pakigbisog ngan pag-aalsa, ngan nahibaro han mga mahinungdanon nga liksyon ha pagtutukod han ira demokratiko nga poder agud magserbe ha armado nga rebolusyon.

Agsub igpalaypakay han mga reaksyunaryo an burges nga eleksyon agud aghaton an mga rebolusyunaryo nga organisasyon nga magpartisipar. An NDFP diri naapi ngan diri poyde umapi ha burges nga eleksyon, diri la tungod kay natipa ini ha mga rebolusyunaryo nga prinsipyo kundi tungod kay hatag na nga gindodominaran an eleksyon han mga reaksyunaryo nga nag-uulang hadton nagdadara han adyenda han katawhan para ha nasyunal nga soberaniya ngan demokrasya. Bisan pa man kun sugad, subay ha paggamit han rebolusyunaryo nga duhaan nga taktika, mahihimo han NDFP nga magklaro ha katawhan nga buaw an reaksyunaryo nga eleksyon ngan buligan hira kun tiunan-o tatagdon an magkadirudilain nga mga kandidato kasumpay ha ira interes. Magagamit ini ha pagpakusog han rebolusyunaryo nga pakigbisog ngan ha pagkunsidera ha erestorya pankamurayawan ngan iba pa nga panmaihaan nga karukayaknon.

Labot han Makabayan Bloc ha pangunguna ni Neri Colmenares nga kandidato pagka-senador, waray bisan hin-o ha mga mayor nga kandidato pagka-presidente, partido ngan koalisyon an naghahatag hin kumprehensibo nga programa agud ig-insister an nasyunal nga soberaniya, pan-ekonomiya ngan pankatilingban nga reporma, ngan iba pa nga mga pundamental nga alternatibo ha reaksyunaryo nga naghahadi nga sistema. Kundi, an ngatanan nga mayor nga mga kandidato pagka-presidente nagpahayag hin pagin abyerto ha utro nga pag-abri han erestorya pankamurayawan giutan han NDFP ngan han Gubyerno han Pilipinas.

Nagpahayag han grabe nga pagdumiri an katawhan Pilipino kan Mar Roxas ha paghan-ay hini nga pinakahimubo ha sarbey, kundi kinahanglan magpabilin nga mabinantayon kontra ha ginbasbasan nga sumurunod ha rehimen US-Aquino, nga poyde pa mamaniobra agud magdaug ha eleksyon ngan igpadayon an kontra-katawhan nga pangatake han neoliberal nga palisiya ngan kontra-rebolusyon.

Kumprehensibo nga gintagud-tagod ni Sen. Grace Poe an basaranan para ha elektoral nga alyansa ha Makabayan Bloc lakip na an pag-undong han nasyunal nga soberaniya ngan teritoryal nga integridad, pagrespeto ha tawhanon nga katungod, nasyunal nga industriyalisasyon ngan tinuod nga reporma ha tuna. Ha sugad, lamang hiya kan Davao Mayor Rodrigo Duterte, ha luyo han ginproponer hini nga koalisyon nga gubyerno ha NDFP, proposisyon para ha pira nga posisyon ha gabinete, ngan pagpahayag hin patriyotiko ngan progresibo nga basaranan para ha makatadungan nga kamurayawan.

Kinahanglan aktibo nga atuhan ngan perdihon han katawhan Pilipino an ambisyon ni Bongbong Marcos, anak han dati nga diktador, nga nadalagan pagka-bise presidente pinaagi han paggastos han bulto tikang ha kwarta nga ginkawat han iya pamilya tikang ha katawhan nga gintatantiya nga sobra $10 bilyon. An usa nga nangunguna nga kandidato pagkabise-presidente, hi Sen. Francis Escudero, nagpahayag hin pagin abrido ngan ha perspektiba para ha panmaihaan nga kooperasyon para ha pagsolbar han mga batakan nga problema han katawhan.

Ha Eastern Visayas, gintatalumpigos ngan ginpapahimulsan an katawhan han pinakalanong nga mga pampulitika nga dinastiya ngan mga burukrata kapitalista agud padig-unon ngan ig-undong an interes han naghahadi nga mga klase han mga agaron maytuna ngan kumprador ngan an ira amo nga imperyalismo nga US. Iginduduso nira an neoliberal nga palisiya nga nagpupugong ha tinuod nga reporma ha tuna ngan nasyunal nga industriyalisasyon, ngan ginsusuportahan nira an kontra-rebolusyunaryo nga programa sugad han Oplan Bayanihan nga nagdudurot hin damo nga panalapas ha tawhanon nga katungod. Hira liwat an nagpapaluyo han iligal nga droga, iligal nga huygo ngan mga private army nga naghihimo han mga pagpinanmatay nga may kalabutan ha eleksyon nga makarimadima nga ginpakita ha Calbayog City, Western Samar.

Lakip hini nga mga lanong hira anay kongresman Raul Daza ngan Gov. Jose Ong, Jr. ngan an iya umangkon nga hi Edwin Ong nga nadalagan pagka-konggresman ha Northern Samar, Cong. Milagrosa Tan nga pinuno han dinastiya ha Western Samar, Cong. Ben Evardone ha Eastern Samar, ngan hi Gov. Dominic Petilla ha Leyte. Kahuna nira nga waray katapusan na an ira paghahadi kundi nangangalimtan nira nga an katawhan ngan an ira armado nga rebolusyon padayon nga nasulong ngan nagtitikakusog, nga ha dayuday amo an magpapabagsak ha ira.

Ano man an kagawsan han eleksyon, nananawagan an NDFP ha katawhan nga an ira mga pagpipilian diri kinahanglan malimitar ha mga kawatan ngan kriminal tikang ha mga naghahadi nga klase. Pinakamaupay ha ngatanan kun pilion nira an rebolusyunaryo nga armado nga pakigbisog ngan pabagsakon an reaksyunaryo nga naghahadi nga sistema ngan kab-uton an murayaw, makatadungan ngan progresibo nga katilingban. Rebolusyon, diri eleksyon!!