Jorge Madlos

Conclusion of MILF-GPH talks does not spell the end of Moro revolutionary struggle — NDFP

By JORGE MADLOS (Ka Oris)
Spokesperson, NDFP Mindanao Chapter

Amid the euphoria on the recent signing of the so-called Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro, the National Democratic Front of the Philippines – Mindanao Chapter cautions all stakeholders in the Moro struggle not to lose sight on the fundamental causes of the problems that saddle the Moro people. This is crucial because, no matter what agreement is forged, if feudal and semi-feudal bondage imposed upon the Moro people by the local ruling classes and their imperialist masters remain, no significant change is forthcoming. Without revolutionary change, their aspirations for a real autonomy remain elusive, including the problem of chauvinism against the Moro people.

Majority of the Moro continue to be victims of landlessness. The natural wealth of their ancestral lands and waters, such as the Liguasan Marsh, including their vast plains, will surely be target for plunder both by the domestic and multinational corporations. The local ruling classes continue to threaten the Moro people as second class Filipinos, peddling the utterly chauvinist line of their imperialist master that Moros are “terrorists” and the communities as “terrorist havens”, giving their fascist Armed Forces of the Philippines the license to brutally attack genuine Moro resistance movements as they did against the Moro National Liberation Front in Zamboanga City last November 2013.

Clearly, the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro (CAB) does not address these more basic issues and instead settle on the pacifist power and palliative economic sharing that shall only benefit a few traditional elite Moro and their imperialist boss, which include new elite Moro as what history has witnessed with the result of the MNLF-GRP agreement.

The intent of the reactionary government to pacify the Moro Islamic Liberation Front may have partly succeeded but not the Moro struggle as a whole; in fact, while the negotiations are going on, skirmishes on the field have intensified. This will only lead to the galvanization of all Moro armed resistance outside of the MILF into one potent force that shall continue the Moro struggle for genuine self-determination and will wedge a substantial AFP force into fierce combat. The warmongering US-Aquino regime will not extricate their forces from Moro areas, thus, if this continues to be the case, we cannot expect strategic or long-term peace in the Mindanao.

When the euphoria on the “success” of the GPH-MILF talks settles down, the fighting between government and Moro resistance forces is expected to escalate, because conditions remain unchanged and even worsening, as can be gleaned from lessons learned both in the MNLF and MILF peace agreement with reactionary governments. The Moro resistance movement must clearly adhere to the more basic demands of the Moro peasants for the defense of their ancestral lands and they must closely coordinate their struggle with the Filipino struggle as a whole. It must understand the true reactionary nature of US puppet regimes so that it can avoid the trap that caught MNLF before and, most recently, the MILF.

On the other hand, the settlement of the root cause of civil war in our country through peace negotiation appears to be more elusive now under the US-Aquino regime because of its duplicity. In December of last year, it brazenly flaunted peace even as it escalated its armed brutalities by attacking New People’s Army forces during the period of the Malacañang-declared ceasefire, and recently announcing the deployment of an additional seven battalions of its elite troops to Caraga Region and Region 10 within the first two months of this year to intensify its offensive military operations against the NPA. Their wrong belief that it had pacified the Moro resistance has emboldened the US-Aquino regime to defeat the revolutionary movement led by the Communist Party of the Philippines not in the negotiating table but through its brutal military offensive campaigns. But as the revolutionary movement grows stronger, Aquino III and his fascist forces may end up, as again, frustrated.

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