Comment on the growing complications of Duterte’s puppetry to two imperialist powers

By Jose Maria Sison, NDFP Chief Political Consultant

The affirmation of the freedom of navigation of the US and all countries in the high seas of the South China Sea runs counter to the claim of China that it owns those high seas and that the artificial islands it has illegally built and militarized in the exclusive economic zone of the Philippines also generate Chinese territorial sea.

That the representatives of the Philippines and the US can make such affirmation has certain implications and consequences, like the following: Duterte cannot evade the UNCLOS and international law and the assertion of the freedom of navigation by the US and other countries and consequently China is going to demand from Duterte fulfillment of his promise to sell out Philippine sovereign rights in exchange for the commissions and other payoffs for himself and his ruling clique.

In the meantime, the competition of the US and China in using Duterte is heating up at the expense of the Filipino people. The US has gotten a joint affirmation with the Philippines in favor of its freedom of navigation. But despite US security warnings, Duterte has agreed to let China Telecom and Huawei control the Philippine communications system.

And of course China is still on track in trying to turn the Philippines into a debt colony through high interest loans and overpriced infrastructure projects and to get the trillions of dollars worth of gas and oil resources in the exclusive economic zone in the West Philippine Sea through a lopsided exploration and exploitation agreement.

Duterte is vulnerable to a withdrawal of support by a combination of patriotic and pro-US military officers because of the growing discontent of the Filipino people over Duterte’s crimes of treason, tyranny, mass murder and corruption. They are strongly offended by the treasonous sell-out of Philippine sovereign rights to China by Duterte.

As in the ouster of Marcos and Estrada, gigantic protest mass actions can encourage said military officers to withdraw support from Duterte before he can satisfy the US on his promises to destroy the revolutionary movement or allow by charter change foreign corporations to have 100 per cent ownership of Philippine land, natural resources and all types of businesses.

Related news:

US, PH reaffirm freedom of navigation in SCS

Vera Files

How Duterte serves two imperialist masters and offends the people until his ignoble end

By Jose Maria Sison, NDFP Chief Political Consultant
July 15, 2019

The tyrant Duterte recognizes that the US is still the most dominant imperialist power in the Philippines and does not to dare to offend it in any serious way. The US is privileged and well-entrenched by a comprehensive range of unequal treaties, agreements and arrangements that give it full-spectrum dominance (economic, social, political, military and cultural).

It is not true that the Duterte regime has become independent of the US. It is even more untrue that it is opposed to the US. It is a puppet regime dependent for its tyranny and mass murder of poor people on a military and police force indoctrinated, trained and armed by the US.

Duterte has proven his puppetry to the US by scuttling the GRP-NDFP peace negotiations and pledging to it the destruction of the revolutionary movement. He has assured the US of charter change to allow US and other foreign corporations 100 percent ownership of land, natural resources in all types of businesses. 

Thus, the Duterte regime continues to receive military aid under Operation Pacific Eagle-Philippines in the name of “anti-terrorism” and beyond US congressional oversight. It still maintains close economic and financial relations with the US, the IMF, World Bank and the WTO and subjects the Philippines to a neoliberal policy regime.

The US estimates that Duterte is still more of an asset than a liability and that there is yet no urgent need to change him as when Marcos outlived his usefulness to the US in 1986. The US keeps in reserve the issue of human rights violations as potential cause for junking him when the Filipino people rise up to a certain high point and when he thereby becomes more of a liability than an asset.

The US appears to tolerate Duterte in trying to enrich his own family and cronies by taking commissions and other payoffs from onerous loans and overpriced infrastructure projects from China and by keeping shady relations with the Chinese criminal triads engaged in illegal drug smuggling and in gambling.

But the US has no choice but to consider seriously how threatening to its interest is China’s drive to turn the Philippines into a debt colony and field of investment and to have at the same time the artificial islands China has built in the Philippine exclusive economic zone (EEZ) as its military bases in the West Philippine Sea.

The US observes that China is making a big headway into the Philippines with the collaboration of Duterte who has exposed himself as a traitor and paid agent of China by deliberately refusing to enforce the judgment of the Arbitral Tribunal in favor of the Philippines under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea against the false ownership claims of China over 90 percent of the South China Sea.

The exposure of Duterte as a traitor and paid agent of China is one more potential cause for the US to instruct the pro-US military and police officers to withdraw support from him at the time and circumstances it chooses.

The broad masses of the Filipino people are already outraged by Duterte’s failure to take the appropriate diplomatic steps to consolidate the legal victory of the Philippines against China since the judgment of the Arbitral Tribunal on July 12, 2016. They are deeply insulted by Duterte’s constant attempt to scare them with war by China.

Duterte has failed to follow the advice of Supreme Court Justice Antonio Carpio for the Philippines to make agreements with Vietnam and Malaysia to define the boundaries of their extended continental shelves and to ask the UN Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf to confirm the boundaries of the Philippine continental shelf west of Luzon.

Duterte has also failed to go to the UN and the appropriate courts to complain against the transgressions of China in the Philippine EEZ in the West Philippine Sea and to demand justice and compensation for the building of artificial islands and the destruction of the marine environment.

Instead, Duterte does not conceal his self-serving and traitorous scheme to surrender to China the rich marine resources as well as the trillions of dollars worth of oil, gas and other mineral resources in the Philippine EEZ in the West Philippine Sea. These resources are vital for the sustenance and development of the Philippines.

It is in the interest of the US and all other countries of the world to have the freedom of navigation in the high seas of the South China Sea and to e secure from any harassment, interference, threat or attack from Chinese military forces that are illegally occupying the artificial islands built in the Philippine EEZ.

It is a source of wonder why the Duterte regime and the US government have not combined strongly enough to complain against China’s violation of the sovereign rights of the Philippines and have not formally invoked against China the US-RP Mutual Defense Treaty even only as a warning or deterrent to any act of aggression.

As much as the US has not shown any inclination to wage war with China over the West Philippine Sea, China has so far shied away from threatening to wage war with the US and the Philippines because this would completely negate China’s line of peaceful rise. China is also known to fear internal economic and political instability, especially at this time that the US has instigated a “trade war” with it, abandoning the many decades of US-Sino collaboration in pushing neoliberal globalization.

There are times to focus on issues against US imperialism. And there are also times to focus on issues against Chinese imperialism. Thus, there is currently a focus on the issue of the West Philippine Sea vis-a-vis China. This is an urgent issue that cries out for a patriotic stand and action. Otherwise the corrupt Duterte regime would have a free hand in selling out Philippine sovereign rights to China. It is necessary to assert the Filipino people’s sovereign rights under the UNCLOS and international law and it is even permissible to avail of US-Sino contradictions in order to uphold such sovereign rights.

It is safe to predict that the Duterte regime will meet an ignominious end as a result of its gross and systematic human rights violations, its acts of treason in puppetry to two imperialist powers, unprecedented corruption, economic plunder and so many grievous crimes that are now inciting the people to rise up in defense of their national sovereignty and democratic rights and in pursuit of social justice and all round development.

As in the fall of the fascist dictator Marcos in 1986, the disgraceful end of Duterte is bound to come when gigantic mass actions of the people shake the ruling system from base to rafters and his own military subordinates withdraw support from him either upon instruction of the US and/or upon their own sense of patriotism and desire to shake off the indignity of being the instrument of Duterte’s tyranny and treason. ###

Duterte is ahead in expressing fear of coup, which is indeed probable due to his crimes


By Jose Maria Sison
NDFP Chief Political Consultant
July 9, 2019

The invectives frenziedly thrown against me by Duterte’s political, military and troll agents for my observation about the possibility of a US-directed coup against Duterte unwittingly hit Duterte instead of me.

Duterte himself has been the one publicly asserting repeatedly that he is in danger of being overthrown by a coup and has in fact pleaded to his own military officers not to launch a coup but simply ask him to step down. 

If they believe themselves, my detractors should directly address Duterte as insane, cowardly, out of touch and engaged in wishful thinking. The political and military agents of Duterte even pretend to be unaware that Duterte is boasting of China’s protection to keep himself in power against pro-US military officers.

It is not my claim that Duterte is subject to an impending coup. But a coup is always potential and probable because the reactionary armed forces, while usually servile to the president, are still indoctrinated, trained and armed as puppets by US imperialism. If Marcos could be overthrown by a people’s uprising accompanied by withdrawal of military support, why not the tyrant and corrupt Duterte? 

In my statement, I clearly pointed out that while the biggest puppet Duterte and his cabal are allowed to take bribes in shady deals with with China and the Chinese triads, the US is still using Duterte and the reactionary armed forces in a futile attempt to destroy the people’s revolutionary movement and to make charter change for the 100 percent ownership of land, natural resources and all types of businesses by US corporations.

I have also pointed out that Duterte has a diminishing value to the US and can become more of a liability than an asset and can be junked by the US like Marcos who used to appear to enjoy the total servility of the reactionary armed forces and the police.

Contrary to the paid hype of his eternally rising popularity, Duterte is vulnerable to the people’s mass uprisings due to their discontent over his policies and acts of tyranny, treason, mass murder, corruption, soaring prices of basic commodities, unemployment, low incomes and other problems caused and aggravated by him.

Duterte is also vulnerable to the continuing rise of the people’s armed revolutionary movement, the contradictions among his own political and military subordinates and to the escalating US-China political rivalry and economic competition. ###

Duterte’s use of anti-communism and anti-terrorism for the fascist suppression of the Filipino people

By Jose Maria Sison
NDFP Chief Political Consultant
July 6, 2019

A close reading of Executive Order No. 70, signed by Duterte on December 4, 2018 in order to create the National Task Force to End the Local Communist Armed Conflict, shows that it is a major step of his tyrannical rule to realize the imposition of a full-blown fascist dictatorship on the Filipino people and to reassure the US that he is still its puppet even if he makes a fast buck on the side from shady deals with China and the Chinese criminal triads.

Duterte’s order uses the expression “whole nation” approach. This is but a rehash of the long discredited and failed catchphrases, such as “total war” and “whole government” approach used by previous regimes to mean all-out war against the revolutionary movement of the people. But Duterte and his task force wish to wage psywar and mass murder on an unprecedented scale, even surpassing the standards of repression set by his idol Marcos.

The implementation of the order has proven its repulsive murderous and deceptive character and its antipeople and antidemocratic objectives. In touting what it deceptively calls a “whole nation” approach, the Duterte regime is doggedly trying to militarize the Duterte cabinet and entire reactionary government in order to turn the entire Filipino nation against itself and serve the interests of the imperialists and local exploiting classes under the pretext of anticommunism and anti-terrorism.

The tyrannical and terrorist regime seeks in vain to misrepresent and demonize the forces of the armed revolutionary movement and at the same time to tag and brand the forces and activists of the legal democratic movement of patriotic and progressive forces as “communist” and “terrorist”. Going to the extreme of absurdity, the regime blames both types of forces as the causes of underdevelopment, poverty and armed conflict.

The uppermost counterrevolutionary objective of the regime is to preserve the semicolonal and semifeudal ruling system in which foreign monopoly capitalism, domestic feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism exploit and oppress the people and to discredit, isolate and destroy all the national and democratic forces that fight for the national and social liberation of the Filipino nation and people.

The Duterte regime is using E.O 70 to militarize all branches and agencies of the reactionary government, the state educational and communications system, all nongovernmental institutions and organizations in order to terrorize the people and impose fascist rule on the entire Filipino people under the long-discredited Cold War and McCarthyite shibboleth of anti-communism and the latter-day Bushite pretense of anti-terrorism.

The Duterte regime’s methods for trying to suppress the legal democratic forces and the revolutionary movement of the people are similar to those employed in Oplan Tokhang in the bogus war on drugs. Scare tactics are used to exact mass compliance, compel barangay officials to list up poor people as drug addicts and pushers and subsequently use the list for murdering people by the tens of thousands. 

General Año, the notorious butcher head of the Department of the Interior and Local Government (DILG), has ordered the local governments to list down rebel suspects, give the list to the death squads for action, hold fake surrender meetings and declare as persona non grata the revolutionary forces as well as the patriotic and progressive organizations. But he has failed miserably to discourage the people from participating and supporting the revolutionary movement despite the fanfare he tries to stir up in the press.

At all levels of the reactionary government, the regime’s political and military agents terrorize communities, organizations or individuals deemed as opposed to or critical of the regime by red-tagging them and branding them as communist, waging psywar campaigns against them and subjecting them to all forms of punitive measures, including harassments, arbitrary arrest on trumped up charges or planted evidence of firearms and explosives, extortion, torture, murder, bombing and arson, forced evacuation and “hamletting”.

Under the so-called Oplan Kapayapaan, now reframed and renamed as Oplan Kapanatagan to combine and synchronize the AFP and PNP as machines of mass murder, the reactionary military and police officers are being corrupted by Duterte with discretionary funds for murdering rebel suspects in fake encounters, for staging fake surrenders under the Enhanced Comprehensive Local Integration Program and for arranging token projects and dole-outs under the Pamana Program, Peace and Development Program and Community Support Program.

Duterte’s military, police and paramilitary units have extremely limited capacity to deceive the people with token delivery of social services and dole-outs because the programs they operate are encumbered by corruption at various levels. Moreover, the pretenses at civic action or real acts of militarizing civilian functions are discredited by the atrocities being committed by the same or by other military and police units. In the first place, the economic, social and political conditions are rapidly worsening under the crisis-stricken ruling system. 

After sabotaging the GRP-NDFP peace negotiations and terminating them completely, Duterte and his sidekick General Galvez, his supposed presidential adviser, have utterly failed to realize their scheme of dividing the revolutionary movement through so-called localized peace talks which are preconditioned on surrender and self-humiliation. Since the announcement of the shallow deceptive scheme, all leading organs of the CPP and commands of the NPA at various levels have rebuffed the scheme and vowed to intensify the people’s war.

The Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process has become a worse hotbed of corruption and bureaucratic intrigue than ever before. Its open function now is to prevent peace negotiations within the framework of the The Hague Joint Declaration, avoid addressing the basic roots of the armed conflict and use the false claim of localized peace negotiations to escalate the armed conflict, seek the total destruction of the people’s revolutionary movement by military means and support the imposition of fascist dictatorship on the Filipino people.

The broad masses of the Filipino people are fighting back against the tyrannical, treasonous, terrorist and corrupt Duterte regime. The anti-imperialist and democratic forces and the broad masses of the people in the Philippines are resolutely and vigorously exposing and opposing the regime’s gross and systematic violation of human rights in the civil, political, socioeconomic and cultural fields.

As in the time of the Marcos fascist dictatorship, the tyrannical and terrorist Duterte regime is unwittingly and practically forcing social activists and other people to join the armed revolution by threatening them with abduction and murder and is generating a public clamor for armed partisan and commando operations against the worst human rights violators and plunderers to obtain justice for the aggrieved people.

The tyrant and terrorist Duterte is now being widely ridiculed as having unwittingly become the No. 1 recruiter and No. 1 supply and transport officer of the people’s army by oppressing and exploiting the people and sending his armed minions to the countryside for annihilation in the people’s war.

The revolutionary forces in the countryside and urban underground have been tempered in more than 50 years of revolutionary struggle and have built strength in an extensive and deepgoing way among the people, especially the toiling masses. 

According to their publications, the revolutionary forces of the people are intensifying the people’s war, carrying out social programs for the benefit of the people and building a people’s democratic government mainly in the countryside. ###

Duterte’s brazen involvement in drugs, crime and corruption

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By Jose Maria Sison
NDFP Chief Political Consultant
June 27, 2019

In his presidential campaign in 2016, Duterte impressed a plurality (not a majority) of the electorate that he was tough on drugs, crime and corruption and that he was going to wipe these out in a trice though strong arm tactics.

On Drugs. He promised to wipe out illegal drugs in three to six months. What has he done? He has caused the mass murder of 30,000 poor people on mere suspicion of being drug users or pushers. But according to himself, the number of illegal drug addicts has increased from 1.8 million in 2016 to eight million in 2019.

It is because Duterte is in cahoots with the drug lords, especially his own relatives who are linked to the criminal Chinese triads. He has installed himself as the biggest protector of drug lords. He has allowed rampant smuggling of illegal drugs at various Philippine ports. The drug smuggling is so frequent that there are some foul-ups which become exposed to the public.

On Crime. The Duterte ruling clique is culpable for the biggest crimes by engaging in gross and systematic human rights violations in order to preserve the exploitative and oppressive semicolonial and semifeudal ruling system of big compradors, landlords and corrupt officials who are subservient to imperialist powers and foreign monopoly interests.

Extreme corruption and mass murder expose sharply the criminal character of the Duterte regime. Duterte’s bureaucratic, business and armed subalterns are unprecedented in abuse of power. He has systematically corrupted and criminalized the police and military officers in the bogus war on drugs and in the counterrevolutionary war in order to turn the police and the military into his private armies and instruments of terror and tyranny.

On Corruption. During the electoral campaign of 2016, Duterte proclaimed himself as Left and socialist on certain occasions. But in fact he was mainly the political agent of the pro-Marcos plantation, logging mining and smuggling interests in Mindanao and allied himself with the Marcoses, Arroyos, Estradas, Enriles and other Luzon-based plunderers in order to gain their bailiwick votes.

Upon becoming president, he has given priority to favoring his colleagues in corruption and wastebasketing the plunder cases against them. Having become the chief plunderer of public resources, he has openly allied himself with previous major plunderers in continuing the reign of greed and plunder of the country, collaboration with foreign monopoly interests and rigging the electoral, political and judicial processes of the ruling system.

Requisites in revolutionary class struggle for building the socialist future

By Jose Maria Sison
Founding Chairman, Communist Party of the Philippines
Chairperson, International League of Peoples’ Struggle


There are five general requisites for building the socialist future. First, learn from the historical experience of the revolutionary proletariat in building socialism in the 20th century. Second, grasp the potential for socialist revolution in various countries in the current circumstances. Third, build the subjective forces of the revolution, such as the revolutionary party of the proletariat, the mass organizations, effective alliances, the people’s army or self- defense units, and the organs of political power. Fourth, carry out the various forms of revolutionary struggle to overthrow the class dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. Fifth, build the socialist state of the proletariat on the basis of a broad people’s alliance, and engage in continuous socialist revolution in the political, socio-economic and cultural fields.

Learn from the historical experience of building socialism!

In the emergence and development of industrial capitalism, it has been unavoidable for the capitalist class to create and expand the working class from which it extracts surplus value and enables it to accumulate capital. It is a given fact that the modern industrial proletariat is the most advanced productive force. And in the course of class struggle against exploitation and oppression, it has become the most advanced political force capable of liberating itself and other exploited classes, and of building socialism as a result of being developed ideologically, politically and organizationally to fight and overthrow the exploitative and crisis- ridden capitalist system.

As a revolutionary class for itself and for other exploited people, the working class has been involved in and benefited from the three stages of development of its revolutionary theory and practice. In the first stage, in the era of free competition capitalism, Marx and Engels laid the fundamental principles of Marxism in philosophy, political economy and social science, and engaged in initial efforts to build the communist and workers’ movement. In the second stage, in the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution, the Bolsheviks led by Lenin and Stalin prevailed over the revisionism and opportunism of the Second International and the Mensheviks in order to lead the October Revolution that overthrew the Tsarist rule and establish a socialist state, victoriously engaged in the socialist revolution and construction in  the Soviet Union.

After Lenin died in 1924, Stalin brought the New Economic Policy to a successful conclusion. He adopted the series of five-year economic plans to bring about socialist industrialization, the collectivization and mechanization of agriculture, the education training and deployment of the biggest corps of scientists and engineers, the promotion of socialist culture and art and the mass mobilization of the Soviet people of various nationalities. After the arrest and trial of the traitors in the 1930s, the German Nazi intelligence could not find a fifth column for the Nazi invasion. Stalin victoriously led the Great Patriotic War against the fascists who killed 27 million Soviet people and destroyed 85 per cent of Soviet industry. He proceeded to industrialize the Soviet Union for the second time and encouraged the oppressed nations and peoples of the world to fight for national liberation and socialism.

In the same stage of the Leninist development of Marxism, the Communist Party of China led by Mao made a still far greater breach on the imperialist front in the East by winning the people’s democratic revolution through protracted people’s war and proceeding to carry out the socialist revolution. Mao can be credited with the consolidation of the revolutionary victory amidst the devastation brought about by the Japanese invasion and the civil war unleashed by Guomindang, the basic socialization of the Chinese economy, the Great Leap Forward to socialist industry and to establish communes, the socialist education movement, the critique of and improvement on the Soviet model of economic development and the vital support extended by China to the Korean people and the Indochinese people in their struggles for national liberation and socialism against US imperialist aggression and to all the peoples of Asia, African and Latin America.

It became the responsibility of Mao to confront the full-blown phenomenon of modern revisionism of Khrushchov and then Brezhnev. This paved the way for the third stage, that of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought, when Mao put forward the theory and practice of continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat through the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (GPCR) in order to combat modern revisionism, prevent the restoration of capitalism and consolidate socialism. The GPCR prevailed from 1966 to 1976. But a coup d’etat headed by Deng Zhao Ping, behind a combination of Rightists and Centrists, overthrew the socialist state and began a series of capitalist reforms. This was a repeat of the coup d’etat headed by the revisionist chieftain Khrushchov in the Soviet Union in 1956.

It is of crucial importance for the scientific socialists or communists of today to learn the historical experience of the revolutionary proletariat in building socialism. We must appreciate the great socialist achievements of the proletariat, entire people and their leadership in the philosophical, political, social, economic and cultural fields, against imperialism, revisionism and opportunism. And we must criticize and repudiate the “Left” and Right opportunist errors of certain leaders at certain times and the biggest of all errors modern revisionism, which destroyed socialism under the pretext of creatively improving it through capitalist reforms. The positive and negative lessons from the past are a legacy to learn from.

The imperialists and their petty bourgeois camp followers are systematically using the total negation of the socialist revolution and socialist construction, especially from 1917 to 1956 in the Soviet Union and from 1949 to 1976 in China, in order to attack entirely the revolutionary cause of socialism. They use the cheap reductionist psychological trick of the total negation of Stalin and Mao as the short cut to the total negation of socialism, and the proletariat, people and party that built socialism. In times of either the most strident or most subtle anti-communist propaganda anywhere, the communists and revolutionary people must resolutely uphold their principles and militantly do their work. 

In what is already an extended period of strategic retreat for the international communist movement, as a result of the revisionist betrayal of socialism, the scope and impact of the revolutionary ideological and political work of the persevering communists may appear limited and ineffectual on a global scale or in certain countries. The imperialists may even appear invincible as they unleash the most brutal forms of class struggle and aggressive wars as the petty bourgeois reformists and neorevisionists seem to steal the struggle from the communist revolutionaries. But the resolute and steady ideological and political work of the communist revolutionaries will eventually resound, amplified by the ever worsening crisis of the bourgeois ruling system, and will certainly lead to the upsurge and expansion of the revolutionary movement.

Grasp the potential for socialist revolution in the current circumstances!

At present, all major contradictions in the world capitalist system are intensifying. These are the contradictions between the monopoly bourgeoisie and the working class in the imperialist countries; those between the imperialist powers and the oppressed peoples and nations; those between the imperialist powers and some countries assertive of national independence; and those among the imperialists themselves. The objective conditions are favorable for waging revolution. The broad masses of the people are in extreme suffering and are desirous of revolutionary change. There is a high potential for the rise of revolutionary forces for people’s democracy and socialism against imperialism.

In the imperialist countries, the contradiction between the monopoly bourgeoisie and the working class has been exacerbated by the rapidly accelerating adoption of higher technology in production, distribution, finance and communication, and the intensification of profit-taking by the monopoly bourgeoisie under the neoliberal economic policy. The crises of overproduction have recurred more frequently and more gravely. The attempts of the monopoly bourgeoisie to counter the crisis of overproduction and the tendency of the profit rate to fall by resorting to the tricks of finance capitalism, mainly the expansion of the money supply and credit to stimulate production and consumption, have led from one financial crisis to another until the financial meltdown of 2008, which has caused what is in fact a protracted global depression.

The contradiction between the social character of production and the private mode of appropriation has become utterly conspicuous, and the destructiveness and irrationality of capitalism are well manifested by high rates of unemployment, lower incomes among the working people, the thinning out of the middle social strata, and the growing poverty and misery even in imperialist countries. But the incipient people’s resistance is not yet being turned into a resounding demand for system change and for socialism because the revolutionary parties of the proletariat have not yet arisen or are still too few, small and weak to overcome the long running and current strategy and tactics of repression and deception employed by the state and private instruments of the monopoly bourgeoisie.

The contradiction between the imperialist powers and the oppressed peoples and nations has become far worse than ever before. The fact of neocolonialism in most underdeveloped countries has been aggravated by the rampage of neoliberalism. The broad masses of the people are suffering from rising levels of exploitation, oppression and aggression. They suffer the main brunt of imperialist plunder and war. Even in the so-called emergent markets favored by the imperialist outsourcing of manufactures and special flows of hedge funds, the people suffer from unemployment, reduced real incomes, and other dire consequences of the global depression.

As a result of extreme oppression and exploitation, there are revolutionary parties of the proletariat persevering in armed revolution for national liberation, people’s democracy and socialism in a number of underdeveloped countries. There are also similar parties preparing for armed revolution. Where the imperialist powers have unleashed wars of aggression, as in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya and Syria, political and social turmoil among Islamic sects and ethno-linguistic communities has continued, and conflicting armies have arisen. But no communist party has yet taken advantage of this kind of situation.

Communist parties still exist in former revisionist-ruled countries but have not gone beyond parliamentary struggle. Certain states like Cuba, Venezuela, Bolivia and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea stand out today for upholding their national independence and socialist aspirations against the blockades and provocations by US imperialism. They are holding their ground, even while the US has succeeded in destroying the Qaddafi government in Libya and is trying to overthrow the Assad government in Syria for the benefit of the US- Israeli combine in the Middle East.

The contradictions among the imperialist powers in economic, financial, security and other policy matters are fast coming to the fore. The US is now worried to death about the growing tendency of Russia and China to act independently and pose a challenge to its status as No. 1 imperialist power and sole superpower, in contrast to the previous period when the US gloated over the full restoration of capitalism in the two countries and proclaimed it as the final doom of the socialist cause. The ruling parties of both Russia and China have indeed betrayed the cause of socialism but they have brought to the top rung of capitalist powers the high sense of sovereign power and social capital that they had acquired under socialism.

The struggle for a redivision of the world has become more intense. It is a struggle for sources of cheap labor and cheap raw materials as well as for markets, fields of investment and spheres of influence. The US resents the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as a counter to NATO, the formation of the BRICS economic bloc, the Eurasian economic and security alliance of China and Russia, and the Belt and Road Initiative. Thus, under Obama it carried out the strategic pivot to East Asia to contain China, and made provocations on the borders of Russia to destabilize Russia.

Under Trump, the US has started a trade war against China, stepped up sanctions against Russia and unleashed military intervention and wars of aggression in several regions. is making provocations on the borders of Russia to destabilize Russia. Inter-imperialist contradictions in general, and inter-imperialist wars in particular, offer opportunities for developing revolutionary civil wars for national liberation and socialism. Remember how the first socialist state arose in connection with World War I and several socialist countries in connection with World War II.

Build the subjective forces of the revolution!

In relation to such objective conditions as the system of exploitation, the crisis, and the moods of the spontaneous masses, the subjective forces of the revolution are highly conscious solid organizations of people who are determined to wage various forms of revolutionary struggle in order to discredit, isolate and ultimately destroy the bourgeois ruling system. The objectives of the scientific socialists are to smash and destroy the bourgeois state and establish the proletarian or socialist state. Definite types of organizations are needed to realize these objectives.

Just as the bourgeoisie was the class agent to establish and develop capitalism, the modern industrial proletariat is the class agent to establish and develop socialism. Whatever is their level of consciousness about socialism at a given time, or whatever is the degree of influence of petty bourgeois and anti-socialist ideas on them, the blue collars and white collars in the labor force have their class interest which is increasingly under vicious assault by the monopoly bourgeoisie and which can, in due time, rouse them to rise up when the boiling point is reached. They are objectively the overwhelming majority in the well-developed capitalist economy, in contrast to the minority consisting of the capitalist owners and their highest paid subalterns. They have the potential of becoming conscious that they can get rid of the bourgeois rule and can run and expand the national industrial economy without the bourgeois proprietors and managers.

No matter how large is the peasantry in a country, it cannot lead the socialist revolution because its perspective is, at best, to own the land through democratic revolution or reform, and the possibility for socialist cooperation and mechanization is made possible by the proletariat in power. At any rate, the proletariat cannot seize and hold power without a strong alliance with the peasantry in any agrarian country. The class tendency of the petty bourgeoisie is to serve the bourgeois system and even to climb to the level of the big bourgeois. Marx himself had to change his petty bourgeois outlook and remould himself into a proletarian revolutionary to become a scientific socialist.

The most important subjective force to build for socialist revolution is the party of the revolutionary proletariat – the Communist Party or the workers’ party. It is the advanced detachment of the entire working class and the trade union movement. It builds and strengthens itself ideologically, politically and organizationally for winning the battle for democracy by mobilizing the workers and other working and exploited people; for smashing the state power of the bourgeoisie; and for building socialism in transition to communism. It propagates the revolutionary theory and practice of the proletariat. It proclaims and carries out the general political line, and the strategy and tactics in the revolutionary struggle. It recruits as Party members the most advanced elements in the revolutionary mass movement.

The proletarian revolutionaries must rely on the masses and do mass work. They must engage in social investigation in order to learn from the masses their basic problems and urgent needs, and how to arouse, organize and mobilize them in order to unite and strengthen themselves against their powerful adversaries. In industrial capitalist countries, they must focus mass work among the workers in their work places and communities. They must build revolutionary unions where no unions yet exist or even if they must at first form and multiply communist cells within the reactionary unions. They must trust the workers in embracing the revolutionary theory and practice of their own class. In agrarian or underdeveloped countries, they must build the revolutionary trade unions and peasant associations at the same time, and strengthen the basic alliance of these two classes. The revolutionary worker’s party must field cadres and organizers to the countryside to arouse, organize and mobilize the peasants and develop proletarian revolutionaries from among their ranks.

It is not enough to build the basic class organizations of the toiling masses of workers and peasants. The proletarian revolutionaries and mass activists must build certain types of organizations like people’s cooperatives and organizations of the youth, women, teachers, health workers, cultural workers and other low-income people. They must encourage the petty bourgeoisie to form its own progressive organizations in rejection of the exploiting classes and in support of workers and other working people. Revolutionary alliances of the working people with the progressive organizations of the petty bourgeoisie are of great importance. The progressive petty bourgeoisie carries with it to the socialist cause their various professional and technical skills and can serve as articulators and molders of public opinion. The progressive bourgeois can become allies of decisive importance and can remould themselves into proletarian revolutionaries.

The revolutionary party of the proletariat answers the central question of revolution when it builds a people’s army for seizing political power. But the situation may not yet be ripe for establishing the people’s army in certain countries. In preparing for the eventuality of creating a people’s army and waging an armed revolution, the Party and the pertinent mass organizations can form discreet self-defense units and engage in mass training for self- defense, but always avoiding provocations that lead to unnecessary or untimely armed clashes that give the enemy to unleash white terror against the revolutionary forces and people. In the US and certain countries, it is a matter of constitutional right for ordinary citizens to bear arms to restrain or prevent the state from misusing its armed power against the people. Practical legitimate reasons for the private possession of firearms include self- defense against common criminals, fondness for hunting, and membership in a sports club.

In the application of the strategy of protracted people’s war by encircling the cities from the countryside in underdeveloped countries, people’s committees of self-government are formed as organs of political power in local communities. Even in the absence of a revolutionary civil war, such organs of political power can be established with the support of the mass organizations and can perform certain non-violent functions of local government in communities of the working people. Even at the national level, an alliance of progressive political parties and mass organizations can appear and act like a government by forming a people’s shadow cabinet, with major departments that monitor and criticize the policies and actions of the reactionary government and voice out the demands of the people and the mass movement.

Carry out various forms of struggle to overthrow the capitalist system!

Ideological building is the first requisite and continuing fundamental task in building the revolutionary party of the proletariat. It avails of the treasury of Marxist-Leninist works written by the great communist thinkers and revolutionary leaders in the course of victorious revolutionary struggles against the capitalist system, reaction and revisionism of the classical and modern type. These works provide the principles and methods to guide the analysis of the history and circumstances of the people in a country, the formulation of the revolutionary program of action, and the concrete practice of revolution by the proletarian revolutionaries and the people.

The theory and practice of Marxism-Leninism is ever developing in relation to the world and to the particular country where it is applied. It is comprehensive and profound as it musters the proletarian revolutionary outlook and scientific knowledge in criticizing and repudiating class exploitation and oppression; in drawing up the general political line, strategy and tactics; in striving to end the capitalist system; and in proposing socialism as the preparation of communism. It requires the concrete analysis of concrete conditions, and the testing of ideas in social practice. It demands within the proletarian party a struggle against petty bourgeois subjectivism, be it in the form of dogmatism or empiricism. The consequence is that the party is well equipped to wage ideological struggle against the theorists and ideologues of the bourgeoisie and in constantly combating non-proletarian ideas and tendencies inside the party.

Ideological building serves to firm up the political building of the proletarian revolutionary party and reinforces the line of political struggle against the big bourgeoisie in different conditions. In the developed capitalist countries, the proletariat can regard the forces of social production as the basis for socialism, but it also has to win the battle for democracy by winning over the petty bourgeoisie and all disgruntled sections of capitalist society, in order to have the overwhelming majority of the people for the uprisings to overthrow the class dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.

The capitalist class never gives up its power and wealth voluntarily but uses violence and deception to hold on to these, and it does not hesitate to use fascism to suppress the forces of socialism and the people. It is therefore necessary for the proletarian party to develop a revolutionary mass movement and prepare the means for frustrating or defeating state terrorism, and for establishing the state power of the proletariat. The proletariat cannot fulfil the historic mission of building socialism without state power. This is proletarian class dictatorship against bourgeois class dictatorship, and is at the same time proletarian democracy for the proletariat and the rest of the people. 

In the underdeveloped or agrarian countries, where the peasantry still comprises the majority of the population, the proletarian revolutionary party adopts the line of people’s democratic revolution led by the proletariat but is based mainly on the worker-peasant alliance. It can adopt the strategic line of protracted people’s war, encircling the cities from the countryside in order to accumulate the political and armed strength to eventually seize power in the cities and on a national scale. In addition to the basic worker-peasant alliance, the party can build further alliances with the urban petty bourgeoisie and the middle bourgeoisie, and take advantage of splits among the reactionaries. 

In all kinds of countries, legal and illegal forms of struggle need to be carried out by the proletarian revolutionaries who lead a broad range of revolutionary forces. Even where there is yet no armed revolution by the proletariat and the people, the bourgeois can be repressive and outlaw activities that are legal in other times or other countries. When armed revolution is already surging, certain legal forms of struggle are still possible and necessary to isolate and weaken the enemy. In the general run of third world countries, the people suffer the main brunt of imperialist exploitation, oppression and aggression, thus the conditions for waging revolutionary wars are far more favorable than in the imperialist countries. The best possible situation for the world proletarian revolution is the interaction of revolutions in countries with different levels of development.

The revolutionary mass movement can pursue certain kinds of economic struggle, like strikes and blockades by the workers and peasants, boycotts or interdiction of goods and enterprises of the imperialist enemy, undertaking industrial cooperatives of workers, handicraft cooperatives of artisans, land reform and improvement of agricultural production. But it cannot rely mainly on these to take over the national economy. It is the politico-military struggle that makes the bourgeoisie lose its economic power and bureaucratic offices.

The proletarian revolutionaries, the cultural activists and the people can also engage in cultural struggle. They can create and promote cultural works to inspire more people to join and support the revolutionary movement. But only the politico-military struggle can make the reactionaries lose their control over the secular cultural institutions. Even then, unlike the power and wealth of the big bourgeoisie which can be confiscated, the ideas, sentiments and habits of the reactionaries will persist and can only be overcome or re-channelled persuasively by persevering in the revolutionary education of the current and future generations.

Build the socialist state and engage in socialist revolution in all fields!

Consequent to the smashing and dismantling of the military and bureaucratic machinery of the bourgeois state, the proletarian revolutionary party, the proletariat and the broad masses of the people can establish the socialist state and carry the socialist revolution forward, uphold and defend the national independence and socialist revolution, promote socialist democracy, socialize the commanding heights of the economy, carry out land reform and other bourgeois democratic reforms when necessary as transition measures, foster a patriotic, scientific and socialist system of education and culture, establish diplomatic and trade relations with all countries, and uphold proletarian internationalism and anti-imperialist solidarity.

The democratic state power must protect and defend the proletariat and the people against imperialism and the exploiting classes. It must ensure and encourage the exercise and enjoyment of rights among the broad masses of the people individually and collectively. The revolutionary party of the proletariat must take the lead in the correct handling of contradictions of the people and must give full play to democracy. It must take care that the contradictions among the people are not confused with those between the people and the enemy. 

The state must have a republican socialist constitution and must be under the leadership of the revolutionary party of the proletariat, on the basis of the participation and support of the broad masses of the people, and in cooperation with other democratic parties and mass organizations. The main component of state power is the people’s army under the absolute leadership of the Party, and must be capable of defending national sovereignty and the socialist revolution against internal and external threats.

The constitution must prohibit imperialist intervention and domination, and the rule of any exploiting class. It must have a bill of rights which gives full play to democracy among the citizenry and all the patriotic and progressive forces within the framework of socialism. It must provide for the distinct executive, legislative and judicial branches of government, their powers and their obligations, and the methods for constituting them.

The national people’s congress or parliament must have an Upper House of Labor which upholds the socialist constitution and ensures that legislation by the Lower House of Commons conforms to the constitution and to the socialist principles, policies and plans for developing the political, socio-economic and cultural system. The members of the House of Labor must be elected representatives of the Party and the workers of all major industries. The House of Commons must be a bigger body which includes representatives of the patriotic and progressive classes, forces and sectors and national minorities who are elected by the people at the appropriate levels of political subdivision. The national people’s congress or parliament may be replicated at lower levels. And people’s consultative assemblies may be formed at any level to prepare and support the work of their respective congress or parliament.

As soon as the socialist republic is established, such commanding heights of the economy as strategic industries, sources of raw materials, and the major means of transport and communication will come under public ownership. Transitory measures may be adopted to allow land reform and other bourgeois democratic reforms, overcome the consequences of war and enemy blockades, and revive the economy in the quickest way possible. But all these measures are subject to the steady process of cooperativization and socialization. As soon as possible, a series of 5-year economic plans must be adopted and implemented to develop socialist industry, agricultural cooperation and mechanization, and such social services as public education, cultural work, health care, housing, sports and recreation..

The centralized economic planning must provide for a well-balanced allocation of resources and development. The strategic industries must be in the lead of development and agriculture must be the base of the economy, ensuring food self-reliance and some major raw materials. But light industries, which will provide basic consumer and producer goods as well as the social services, must be developed as quickly as possible in order to serve the immediate basic needs of the people.

There must also be a well-balanced distribution of economic development tasks between the central and lower levels of economic and social ministries or departments. The objective is to spread economic development nationwide, even as various levels of processing can be located close to the source of raw materials, and certain light industries and social services can be assigned to lower levels of the government.

In socialism, the general principle of compensating people for their work is to each according to his or her deeds. There will still be wage differentials on the basis of the quantity and quality of the work done. But certainly, the needs of those who have retired and those who are unable to work permanently or temporarily (children, women on maternity leave, the elderly, the sick, those with physical or mental impairments, and so on) will be provided for. As productivity rises and production expands, it becomes possible to decrease the number of working hours and raise the real income, unlike in the capitalist system in which the capitalists press down wages in order to maximise private profit. In the socialist system, aside from the assurance of full employment and rising real wages, the surplus value that used to be privately accumulated by the exploiters becomes social capital for expanding and improving production, infrastructure, social services, efficient administration, scientific and technological research and development, artistic cultural work and public performances, defense capabilities and environmental improvement.

It is realistic and reasonable to expect that, in so many vital respects, socialism advances towards communism. The rise in the quantity and quality of production and the efficiency in its organization, the decrease of working hours and increase of real income, and the expansion of social services move towards a classless society in which the needs for subsistence, good health, recreation and cultural upliftment of the individual and the entire community are fulfilled. But to proclaim prematurely the end of classes and the class struggle, and the withering away of the worker state is to encourage the abandonment of the proletarian revolutionary stand, viewpoint and method of thinking. This translates to becoming blind to the persisting reactionary die-hards and potentially new shoots of the bourgeoisie in socialist society and to the continuing threats from imperialism and the international bourgeoisie.

Lenin pointed out that socialism will take a whole historical epoch because of the persistence of imperialism and the increased resistance of the defeated domestic bourgeoisie by ten fold. By virtue of the proletarian revolutionaries’ respect for the freedom of thought and belief, the bourgeoisie can still persist and grow by using the bureaucracy, religious institutions and modern cultural institutions as refuge and cover, and ride on old customs and habits that favor reactionary thinking and acting. Mao observed the emergence and growth of the phenomenon of modern revisionism with a growing petty bourgeoisie as its social base in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, and also the persistence of the bourgeoisie in Chinese socialist society. Thus, he fought against modern revisionism since the 1950s and eventually put forward the theory of continuing revolution under proletarian dictatorship.

It is easy to understand that it is foolish to suggest the withering away of the worker state in the face of imperialism still riding roughshod over the people of the world. After the full restoration of capitalism in former revisionist-ruled countries, it should also be easy to understand that modern revisionism has been the most lethal poison to socialism. It is proven by history that it is possible to build socialism in one country and then several countries for several decades. But communism cannot be achieved without defeating imperialism, modern revisionism and reaction on a global scale. Thus, proletarian revolutionaries consider it of the highest importance to uphold proletarian internationalism against these anti-socialist and anti-communist adversaries. 

The proletarian revolutionary parties and revolutionary mass organizations of the world must unite. They must strive to develop mutual understanding, fraternal relations, and mutual support and cooperation. Giving life to the slogan, “Workers of all countries, unite!”, the socialist state must give uppermost importance to the internationalist unity of the working class through the establishment and development of fraternal relations of working class parties and socialist states. It must strive to strengthen solidarity of all peoples, revolutionary parties and mass movements around the world in order to fight and defeat imperialism on a worldwide scale. Upon the global defeat of imperialism, communism is realizable. ### 

Duterte is smart in serving his selfish interest but utterly stupid in betraying the Filipino nation


By Jose Maria Sison
NDFP Chief Political Consultant
June 20, 2019

Duterte is greedy and smart in serving his personal and family interest. But he is utterly stupid and despicable for betraying the sovereign rights and interests of the Filipino nation by selling out cheaply the natural wealth of the Philippines in exchange for commissions in economic deals with China and for payoffs from Chinese criminal triads that smuggle in and distribute illegal drugs in the Philippines.

Just to earn quickly a few billions of dollars for himself, Duterte is practically giving away to China the estimated USD 26.3 trillion oil reserves in the Philippine exclusive economic zone in the West Philippine Sea. Duterte is out to surpass his idol Marcos in treason and corruption. Thus, he has been acting as mouthpiece of China in violating the UNCLOS and the sovereign rights of the Filipino people in the West Philippine Sea.

If the oil and gas resources in the aforesaid area were utilized for the benefit of the Filipino people, the Philippines would certainly be industrialized and the people would be lifted to a new and higher level of social and economic development. Unfortunately, the Philippines is now ruled by a greedy gangster clique led by Duterte who is short-sighted and thrives on Chinese commissions and drug smuggling.

Just to earn commissions for himself, Duterte practically begs China to give high-interest loans and overpriced infrastructure projects.

But Duterte is blatantly and treasonously laying aside the fact that China owes the Philippines an estimated USD 177 billion for rent and damages in building and militarizing the artificial islands in the Philippine exclusive economic zone. Never has there been a more stupid and traitorous Filipino puppet president.###

On the issue of the West Philippine Sea as it involves the Philppines, China and US

By Jose Maria Sison
NDFP Chief Political Consultant
June 18, 2019

In focusing on the issue of the West Philippine Sea and looking at the involvements of the Philippines, China and US, we must understand the following points:

  1. China is in gross violation of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) and in contempt of the 2016 judgment of the Permanent Arbitration Court in favor of the Philippines by continuing to pursue the unlawful claim of ownership over 90 percent of the South China Sea; encroaching on 100 percent of the extended continental shelf and at least 80 percent of the exclusive economic zone (EEZ) of the Philippines; and building and militarizing artificial islands within the Philippine EEZ.
  2. Only after the militarized artificial islands have been built has the US invoked the US-RP Mutual Defense Treaty against them only to justify the buildup of US military positions in Philippine territory but has not actually done anything more than undertake freedom of navigation operations singly or in combination with other countries.
  3. Indeed, the US and all other countries have the right and freedom to navigate the high seas of the South China Sea and to demonstrate disdain for and rejection of China’s pompously false claim of owning the high seas and practically the entirety of the South China Sea.
  4. Until now, both the Duterte and the US governments have failed to use or simply invoke the US-RP Mutual Defense Treaty if only to make a serious condemnation of China’s invasion of Philippine EEZ, get the support of the international community for the appropriate diplomatic actions and lay the ground for certain effective legal actions short of waging war or blowing up the artificial islands at its weak points and letting the sea swallow them.
  5. The Philippines can file legal suit against China in the US where it has financial assets. These can be held to account for China’s violation of the UNCLOS and the Philippine EEZ, for the destruction of the marine environment by building the artificial islands and for the rent involved for the duration of Chinese occupation of these islands. Even the US was once compelled to pay for damages caused by a US military vessel to Tubbataha Reef.
  6. As traitor and paid agent of China and Chinese drug syndicates, Duterte has been shamelessly trying to frighten the Filipino people by harping on the line that China would declare war on the Philippines should the latter insist on upholding and defending its sovereign rights in the West Philippine Sea. For the information of all, China is actually afraid of waging war because this would belie and upset its so-called peaceful rise, cause social instability within China among the poor Chinese who are still in the hundreds of millions and favor the US in its attempts to undermine and weaken China.
  7. Engineers aver that the artificial islands built by the China in the Philippine EEZ are actually vulnerable due to their relatively small size and reef foundation. Their weak points can be easily exploded to allow the sea to swallow the islands. A high American military official once boasted that the US has plenty of experience in blowing up islands in the Pacific. But before any fireworks can happen, there are possible diplomatic and legal actions that can compel China to respect Philippine sovereign rights and even pay for damages it has inflicted.

Two key points on the June 9 Recto Bank incident

Communist Party of the Philippines
June 18, 2019

1. Duterte has displayed utter spinelessness before China. He has completely failed to act in line with Philippine sovereign interests in the face of widespread clamor to demand China’s culpability over the reported June 9 incident at Recto Bank.

Duterte merely parroted the statement issued earlier by the Chinese embassy which tried to explain away the incident as a “simple maritime accident.”

Duterte glosses over not only the fact that a Chinese trawler identified as Yuemaobinyu 42212 rammed and abandoned a sinking fishing boat and its 22 Filipino crew; but also the more prejudicial fact that a Chinese vessel was fishing in Philippine territorial waters.

The incident is evidence of the increasing arrogance of China in transgressing and plundering Philippine maritime territory. Such impunity is a consequence of the Duterte regime’s slavishness and complete failure to uphold Philippine sovereign rights and laws.

Duterte is spineless because he is in China’s pockets. Duterte fears losing the millions of dollars of bribe money and other favors he and his cohorts are receiving from the state monopoly capitalists of China in exchange for the onerous and odious loans.

2. At the same time, Duterte is muted and tame amid US noise and threats of military intervention. Yesterday, the US embassy declared that the incident may “trigger” the provision of the Mutual Defense Treaty, raising threats of armed confrontation or war with China using the Philippines as its launching pad.

The US is condemnable for taking advantage of the Recto Bank incident to aggressively push its geopolitical aim of establishing its military presence in the Philippines and South China Sea.

The US is acting like an imperial overlord when it announced a few days ago its plans of deploying the USS Stratton, a US Coast Guard cutter, purportedly to help the Philippines and other countries who cannot defend their own exclusive economic zones (EEZ).

In its drive to assert its hegemony amid China’s rising power, the US is increasingly fortifying its foothold in the Philippines. Over the past years, the US military has built several facilities to preposition its personnel and war materiél across the country.

The US has maintained military permanent presence along the western coasts of the Philippines (from Zambales, Palawan, Zamboanga and Sulu) with the aim of projecting its power along the South China Sea trade routes.

The Revolutionary Movement of the Filipino People Is Indestructible Due to Oppression and Exploitation

By Jose Maria Sison, NDFP Chief Political Consultant
June 18, 2019

Duterte and his political agents and armed minions keep on boasting that they can destroy the revolutionary movement of the Filipino people. However, they keep on moving their deadline because every previous deadline proved to be false.

The revolutionary movement of the Filipino people is indestructible because of its just cause of national liberation and democracy against foreign monopoly capitalism, domestic feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism.

As long these three evil forces oppress and exploit the people, the ground will remain fertile for such revolutionary forces as the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), the New People’s Army (NPA) and the National Democratic Front (NDFP) to thrive.

No party or group of traditional politicians servile to US imperialism and representative of the exploiting classes of big compradors and landlords are capable of taking initiative away from the revolutionary forces that uphold and carry out the people’s democratic revolution.

The revolutionary movement is indestructible because of the objective semicolonial and semifeudal conditions that have given rise to it and because every major revolutionary force knows how to preserve itself and increase its strength through struggle.

The CPP ceaselessly engages in ideological, political and organizational building. It has thus become a formidable force nationwide and it is deeply rooted among the toiling masses due to its correct revolutionary theory and practice and its general program of people’s democratic revolution through protracted people’s war.

The NPA is under the correct leadership of the CPP and is effectively carrying out the strategic line of people’s democratic revolution through protracted people’s war. It integrates revolutionary armed struggle with agrarian reform and mass base building, which includes the building of revolutionary mass organizations and local organs of political power.

The local organs of political power constitute the People’s Democratic Government. It is led by the CPP and the NDFP ensures the unity of the people in their millions through the mass organizations and alliances. It is the revolutionary government of workers and peasants which is fighting to get rid of the counterrevolutionary government of the big compradors, landlords and bureaucrat capitalists subservient to US imperialism and other imperialist powers.

Whenever the Duterte regime unleashes any kind of offensive of whatever kind or scale, the revolutionary forces retain their revolutionary integrity, increase their strength through struggle, respond to threats promptly and effectively and launch counteroffensives to isolate and destroy the people’s enemy part by part.

Duterte is incompetent to talk about the destiny of the Filipino people and their revolutionary movement. Even if he is incoherent most of the time, he is sometimes coherent, such as when he admits that he is overwhelmed by Philippine problems and wishes to hang himself. He himself is currently the most most notorious personification of bureaucratic corruption in the Philippines.

Duterte and his political and military agents think that they can discredit and destroy the revolutionary movement of the Filipino people by pursuing the anti-communist line. But neither socialism nor communism is in the agenda. The Filipino people and the revolutionary movement are focused on carrying out the people’s democratic revolution as the prelude to the socialist revolution.###