Shatter the illusion of democracy, prepare for a more brutal and virulent Duterte

The Communist Party of the Philippines calls on the people, especially those who are fed up and enraged with Rodrigo Duterte’s corruption, crimes and puppetry, to shatter the illusion of democracy brought about by his regime’s win in the midterm elections and prepare for a more brutal and virulent reign.

The midterm elections are being falsely touted as a show of overwhelming support for Duterte. But this convinces no one as everyone knows that Duterte’s candidates merely won because he used the Commission on Elections to hack the results of the automated vote counting and tallying system. No amount of historical revisionism, macho posturing and sycophant simpering would have elected the likes of Imee Marcos, Bato dela Rosa and Bong Go to the Senate.

Shatter the illusion of democracy, prepare for a more brutal and virulent Duterte
Shatter the illusion of democracy, prepare for a more brutal and virulent Duterte

Duterte will capitalize his illusory victory to push more of his brutal and virulent policies. He is set to order his newly minted minions to pass his fake federalism through charter change that would set him up as head of state for as long as he wants, or as long as his failing health holds. Aside from his overriding ambition to become a detested dictator, his charter change will “open up the economy and country to foreign investors”– a euphemism for selling out the country’s water, land and labor resources to the highest bidder.

He has ruled the country through terror, openly in Mindanao and in the countryside, and through threats, killings and intimidation elsewhere. His illusory win will embolden him to continue to do so and more. He will push the Philippine society further to a fascist state by reviving the death penalty, lowering the minimum age of criminal responsibility, and requiring citizens to train and eventually serve the military.

The weeks preceding his fourth State of the Nation should serve to strengthen the people’s will to resist Duterte’s brand of fascism, the kind which serves no one but himself, his favored allies and his puppet masters.

POW Ongachen video message: NPA rehabilitates drug users

Press Release | RIGOBERTO F. SANCHEZ, Spokesperson, Regional Operations Command, New People’s Army, Southern Mindanao Region

In a recent video clip released by the NPA in Southern Mindanao, Prisoner of War Police Chief Inspector Arnold Ongachen described the Red Army’s campaign of rehabilitation of drug users and appealed to the AFP to cease their so-called rescue operations and make way for the resumption of the peace negotiations.

POW Ongachen said that during the first few days of his custody, he noticed that there were people also being held by the Red fighters. He later found out that these were drug users being rehabilitated by the NPA.

Ongachen was arrested by the NPA last May 29, 2016 during its raid on the PNP station in Gov. Generoso, Davao Oriental.

Rigoberto F. Sanchez, spokesperson of NPA-SMROC, said that the rehabilitation drive is part of the NPA’s campaign to rescue the poor who have fallen victims to drug abuse. “The NPA’s drug campaign complies with our revolutionary justice system, which adheres to our class analysis. We differentiate poor drug users who are clearly victims of drug abuse from those who are perpetrators of the rampant drug trade. It has long been the policy of the Red Army to rescue these victims and rehabilitate them through political education.”

He added that the revolutionary movement understands that the problem of the rampant drug menace is rooted from the basic problems confronting the Filipino people—the historic imperialist dominance over the Philippine’s domestic feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism. “It is well in the interest of the ruling class that Filipinos, especially the youth, fall victim to drug abuse in order to desensitize them from the ills of society and pull them away from the revolution.”

Meanwhile, Sanchez said, the NPA takes a firmer stand against syndicates and protectors of the drug trade. “We undertake punitive action against big politicians, individuals and armed forces such as the AFP and the PNP who are involved in this menace. As in the case of the PNP in Gov. Generoso in Davao Oriental, we launch tactical offensives against drug trade protectors to dismantle their network of operation.”

POW Ongachen also called for the AFP to cease their military operations in communities. The arrested police chief inspector, who is still currently being investigated for his involvement in the drug trade in Gov. Generoso and in the province of Davao Oriental called for the AFP to “make way for the peace talks so that we would know and understand why our fellow Filipinos are taking up arms against our government.”

Sanchez added that even during the Duterte government’s shortlived unilateral ceasefire that ended yesterday, July 30, AFP troops in the region were still conducting widespread combat operations in clear violation of their Commander-in-Chief’s order. “While the NPA in the region is still committed in the peace process in accordance with the directives of the national leadership and the CPP, we are bound to defend the Red army and the people from the attacks of the AFP, PNP and paramilitaries,” he concluded.

Below is the complete transcript of POW Ongachen’s video message:

 I am PCI Arnold S. Ongachen, chief of police of Gov. Generoso Municipal Police Station. According to them, the attack was undertaken because of reports of the worsening drug problem in Gov. Generoso and that it is one of their tasks, the anti-drug campaign.

On the first 5 days of my custody, I noticed other people who were also being held in custody by the NPA. I later found out that they were shabu users that the NPA are trying to rehabilitate from drug addiction. The NPA feed and take care of these addicts until they are able to overcome their addiction.

The NPA take care of me, they do not harm me. Since my arrest, I have never experienced even a slap in the hand because they adhere to the Comprehensive Agreement on the Respect for Human Rights and the International Humanitarian Law or CARHRIHL, and they also have the 3 Directives and [8] Points of Attention, in which the 8th Point is “Never harm a Prisoner of War.”

At first, I thought they were criminals. But when they took me in one of the communities, I noticed that the masses love the NPA and entrust their houses to them. We keep transfering houses in the community and all the people there respect the NPA.

What I am asking from the AFP is to cease their military operations and make way for peace talks that has long been the clamor of our countrymen. I hope that we give peace talks a chance so that we would know and understand why our fellow Filipinos are taking up arms against our government. This is a long standing problem that most of us do not understand.


Bidyo ni POW Ongachen: Gina-rehab sa NPA ang mga drug user

Sa bag-ong gula nga bidyo sa NPA sa Southern Mindanao, gihulagway sa bihag-sa-gubat nga si Police Chief Inspector Arnold S. Ongachen ang kampanya sa rehabilitasyon sa mga sugapa sa iligal nga droga ug nag-apela sa AFP nga hunongon ang ilang “rescue operation” ug hataga’g dalan ang pagpadayon sa negosasyong pangkalinaw.

Gisaysay ni POW Ongachen nga sa unang mga adlaw sa iyang pagkabihag, iyang nakita ang mga user sa droga nga gina-kustodya usab sa mga Pulang manggugubat. Iyang nasayran nga ang maong mga user gina-rehab sa NPA.

Gi-aresto sa NPA si Ongachen niadtong Mayo 29, 2016 atol sa reyd sa istasyon sa PNP sa Gov. Generoso, Davao Oriental.

Matud ni Rigoberto F. Sanchez, spokesperson sa NPA-SMR, ang gimbuhatong rehabilitasyon kabahin sa kampanya sa NPA aron luwason ang mga kabus nga nahimong biktima sa droga. “Ang kampanya batuk sa droga sa NPA gi-giyahan sa rebolusyonaryong sistema sa hustisya nga nagsubay sa atong makihut-ong nga pagbasa sa katilingban. Ginalahi nato ang mga kabus nga mga naggamit og droga ngadto sa mga tigpaluyo niini. Dugay nang palisiya sa Pulang hukbo nga luwason ang mga biktima ug i-rehab sila pinaagi sa pampulitikang

Dugang ni Sanchez nga nasabtan sa rebolusyonaryong kalihukan nga ang ugat-hinungdan sa kaylap nga problema sa iligal nga droga mao gihapon ang batakang mga problema nga gisagubang sa katawhang Pilipino—ang istorikal nga pagpatigbabaw sa imperyalismo ngadto sa pyudalismo ug burukrata kapitalismo. “Interes sa nagharing hut-ong nga mahimong biktima sa pagkagumon sa iligal nga droga ang katawhang Pilipino, labaw na ang kabatan-onan, aron di sila magpakabana sa kadunot sa katilingban ug mahilayo sa dalan sa rebolusyon.”

Sa pikas bahin, saysay ni Sanchez, hugot nga nagabarog ang NPA batok sa mga sindikato ug protektor sa droga. “Nagalunsad kita og mga aksyong silot batok sa mga dagkung politiko, indibidwal ug mga armadong pwersa sama sa AFP ug sa PNP nga lambigit sa maong iligal nga aktibidad. Sama sa nahitabo sa PNP sa Gov. Generoso sa Davao Orietnal, naglunsad kita og taktikal nga opensiba batuk sa mga protektor sa droga aron bungkagon ang ilang kutay sa operisyon.”

Nanawagan usab si POW Ongachen sa AFP nga hunongon ang ilang mga operisyong militar sa mga komunidad ug “bigyang daan natin ang peace talk upang malaman natin at maintindihan kung bakit nakikipaglaban ang mga kapwa natin Pilipino sa ating gobyerno ngayon.” Padayong nag-atubang si POW Ongachen sa imbestigasyon kalabot sa iyang kalambigitan sa iligal nga droga sa Gov. Generoso ug sa probinsya sa Davao Oriental.

Sanchez added that even during the Duterte government’s shortlived unilateral ceasefire that ended yesterday, July 30, AFP troops in the region were still conducting widespread combat operations in clear violation of their Commander-in-Chief’s order. “While the NPA in the region is still committed in the peace process in accordance with the directives of the national leadership and the CPP, we are bound to defend the Red army and the people from the attacks of the AFP, PNP and paramilitaries,” concluded Sanchez.

Dugang ni Sanchez nga bisan panahon sa mubong unilateral ceasefire sa gobyernong Duterte nga nahuman gahapon, Hulyo 30, ang mga tropa sa AFP sa rehiyon nagpadayon sa kaylap nga operisyong kombat nga tataw nga paglapas sa mando sa ilang Commander-in-Chief. “Samtang nagpabilin ang atong kaandamon alang sa hisgutanang pangkalinaw sa rehiyon subay sa direktiba sa nasudnong pamunuan ug sa CPP, matngon ang NPA sa rehiyon nga depensahan ang atong Pulang hukbo ug ang katawhan batuk sa atake sa AFP, PNP ug mga paramilitar,” iyang panapos.

Mosunod ang kumpletong mensahe ni POW Ongachen:

Ako po si PCI Arnold S. Ongachen, chief of police ng Gov. Generoso Municipal Police Station. Ayon sa kanila, ang pag-atake ay dahil sa ulat na malala ang droga sa Gov. Generoso at ito ay isa sa kanilang mga tahas, isa sa kanilang mga gawain, ang anti-drug campaign.

Noong unang 5 araw ng aking pagkabihag, napansin ko ay may mga tao na naka-kustodiya sa kanila. Ito po pala ay mga user ng shabu na tinutulungan nilang maka-iwas at malabanan ang pagka-addict sa ipinagbabawal na gamot. Kanila po itong pinapakain at inaalagaan hanggang sa masupil na nila ang pagka-addict sa iligal na droga.

Ang mga NPA po ay inaalagaan ako, hindi po nila ako sinasaktan. Simula noong pagkakuha sa akin hanggang ngayon po ay hindi ako nakatikim sa kanila ni pitik sa kamay dahil po sila po ay sumusunod sa Comprehensive Agreement on the Respect for Human Rights and the International Humanitarian Law or CARHRIHL. At meron po rin silang Tatlong Lagda at (Walong) Punto kung saan ang ika-walaong Punto ay ang Hindi pagpasakit sa bihag sa gyera.”

Noong una po, akala ko po ay sila po ay mga kriminal, pero noong isinama nila ako doon sa lugar kung saan may komunidad, napasin ko na mahal sila ng mga masa at ipinagkakatiwala ng mga tao ang kanilang mga bahay para sa NPA. Palipat-lipat po kami sa mga bahay sa komunidad at lahat po sila ay malaki ang respeto sa NPA.

Ang hiling ko lang po sa AFP ay ihinto na po ninyo ang inyong military operation at bigyang daan natin ang peace talk na matagal nang hinihiling ng mga kababayan natin. Sana po ay pagbigyan natin ang peace talk upang malaman natin at maintindihan kung bakit nakikipaglaban ang mga kapwa natin Pilipino sa ating gobyerno ngayon. Ito po ay matagal ng problema na hindi po naiitindihan ng karamihan sa atin.

Response to President Duterte’s call for anti-drug cooperation

The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) welcomes President Duterte’s call for cooperation with the revolutionary forces against widespread drug trafficking.

Indeed, the revolutionary forces have long been carrying out a campaign against illegal drugs. The New People’s Army (NPA) is guided by the standing order of the CPP Central Committee to disarm and arrest the most notorious criminals including the biggest drug traffickers, in order for them to be subjected to prosecution and just punishment.

The NPA has been assiduously implementing the orders of the CPP. The most recent outstanding case is that of a chief of police in Davao Oriental province who was arrested by the NPA last May 29 and is currently under detention and undergoing investigation for involvement in the illegal drug trade.

The revolutionary forces share in President Duterte’s reprehension of the illegal drug trade and its grave effects on the Filipino people. The proliferation of illegal drugs, especially shabu, and the concommitant rise in incidents of violent crime serves the perpetuation of the ruling system. The biggest and most notorious drug traffickers are those in the top echelons of the AFP and PNP, who are also in cohorts, with key officials in the local and national bureaucracy. It is apparent that President Duterte is fully aware of such.

Historically, the colonizers and ruling classes have deliberately encouraged the propagation of drugs as a means of desensitizing the oppressed and exploited masses. Drug abuse numb them of the acute effects of poverty, hunger and state violence. Drug abuse disunites the people and prevents them from effectively carrying out revolutionary struggle.

The use of drugs as a weapon to oppress the people is starkly clear in areas where the AFP conducts its counter-insurgency operations. Wherever there is heavy military presence in so called “civil-military operations”, illegal drugs are allowed to proliferate together with other anti-social act.

Prior to conducting combat operations, soldiers often take a hit of shabu. Such practice is tolerated if not openly encouraged by field officers believing that drug use give soldiers a false sense of courage in carrying out their mercenary war.

In contrast, in territories where the CPP and the people’s democratic government hold sway and exercise political authority, the illegal drug trade has been effectively put to a stop. Through their organizations, their armed self-defense committees and the NPA, the masses oppose the entry and operations of drug traffickers with utmost vigilance and militance.

The CPP, through its branches and revolutionary mass organizations, have long been carrying out a campaign against drug use and drug trafficking. It carries out a cultural revolution among the masses in order to encourage them to reject drug use and instead wage collective struggle. It employs armed violence against the biggest traffickers of illegal drugs.

In a speech yesterday before the top brass of the military, Duterte addressed the revolutionary forces and sought its cooperation in the campaign against drug trafficking. He said: “Drugs have reached the hinterlands… what if you use your kangaroo courts to kill them to speed up the solution to our problem.”

While the CPP does not accept his reference to the duly constituted people’s courts as “kangaroo courts”, and reiterating the right to due process of criminal suspects, the CPP and the revolutionary forces accept President Duterte’s offer of anti-drug cooperation.

In positive response, the CPP reiterates its standing order for the NPA to carry out operations to disarm and arrest the chieftains of the biggest drug syndicates, as well as other criminal syndicates involved in human rights violations and destruction of the environment. The NPA is ready to give battle to those who will resist arrest with armed violence.

In line with peace talks, the revolutionary forces anticipate the possibility of a mutual ceasefire in the coming weeks as a result of negotiations between the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) and the Philippine government.

Until then, the NPA can continue to carry out select operations in defense of people’s rights and welfare, especially against the biggest criminal syndicates and their nefarious military and police cohorts.

Communist Party of the Philippines
July 2, 2016

On the positive outcome of Oslo talks

Communist Party of the Philippines
June 18, 2016

Group picture after the signing of the Oslo Joint Statement. Photo by Ayik Casilao

Group picture after the signing of the Oslo Joint Statement. Photo by Ayik Casilao

The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) congratulates the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) Negotiating Panel and representatives of the incoming Duterte regime for attaining positive results in the June 14-15 preliminary talks held in Oslo, Norway. The meeting was facilitated by the Royal Norwegian Government.

The CPP fully supports the agreements made during the preliminary talks. The positive atmosphere and outcome was reflected in the joint statement issued on June 15.

The CPP is elated that an agreement was reached to pursue peace negotiations starting the third week of July on the basis of previously signed agreements. The CPP welcomes the plan to accelerate negotiations to complete the remaining substantive items of socio-economic reforms, political and constitutional reforms, and ending hostilities and disposition of forces.

The CPP also supports the plan to reconstitute the list of personnel who will be protected under the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG) and release all political prisoners through an Amnesty Proclamation to be concurred to by the Philippine congress.

The CPP is also pleased that the Duterte panel will recommend to have all NDFP consultants released in order to allow them to participate in peace talks. Their plan to recommend the release of political prisoners on humanitarian grounds is also highly commendable.

The CPP also welcomes the plan to discuss an interim ceasefire and its

The attitude of the incoming Duterte regime toward peace negotiations with the NDFP is big departure from that of the Aquino and Arroyo regimes. Under the previous two regimes, peace negotiations were regarded mainly as a psywar operation that was a secondary to and served only the counter-revolutionary war of suppression.

Considering how the incoming Duterte regime is vigorously pursuing talks with the NDFP, even before being formally inaugurated into office, the CPP and all revolutionary forces expect peace negotiations with the Duterte regime to move forward with unprecedented speed.

If the Duterte regime will continue to pursue this path, the CPP expects peace negotiations to attain historic achievements over the coming period. The CPP and revolutionary forces under the NDFP are looking forward to discuss and forge agreements with the Duterte regime with the aim of serving the nationalist and democratic interests of the people and pursuing their democratic empowerment.

The CPP and all revolutionary forces reiterate its full support to the NDFP Negotiating Panel, its head Luis Jalandoni, NDPF Senior Political Consultant Jose Ma. Sison, and NDPF panel members Fidel V. Agcaoili, Julie de Lima Sison, Coni Ledesma and their consultants and assistants.

NPA Davao Oriental and other tactical offensives to mark end of Aquino regime

Information Bureau | Communist Party of the Philippines
Press Release | June 1, 2016

The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) commended the New People’s Army (NPA) in Davao Oriental for successfully carrying out a tactical offensive last Sunday morning against the station of of the Philippine National Police (PNP) in Governor town.

Initial reports indicate that the NPA unit was able to completely overrun the police station and seize a large caché of firearms. The police station chief was taken in order to be subjected to investigative interviews and discussions. He can be released soon as a prisoner of war if he is not found culpable of criminal cases or war crimes.

Reports also indicate that the PNP personnel ran out of bullets in the vain attempt to defend their station.”The NPA exhibited great restraint and judicious abidance of humanitarian laws as none of the police personnel were aggrieved in the post-firefight scenario.”

“The Davao Oriental tactical offensive last Sunday indicate the increasing ability of the NPA to incapacitate the armed detachments of the reactionary state,” said the CPP. “The seizure of an increasing number of firearms is an important aspect of the growing people’s war.”

“The NPA tactical offensive last Sunday is among the exclamation points to mark the end of the Aquino regime and its calamitous yet failed Oplan Bayanihan war of suppression waged by the military and police forces over the past six years,” added the CPP.

“The NPA can launch more tactical offensives over the next few weeks to carry out just and punitive actions against the most rabid units of the AFP and PNP which have commited grave crimes of massacres and killings, illegal arrests and torture, militarization, economic blockades and other violations of human rights under the Aquino regime’s Oplnan Bayanihan,” said the CPP. “Hundreds of thousands of people who were forced to leave their homes and communities demand no less,” said the CPP.

“Such NPA tactical offensives, on the other hand, accentuate the efforts of the incoming Duterte regime to conduct peace negotiations with the revolutionary forces,” said the CPP. “The raging people’s armed resistance in the countryside amplify the urgency of efforts to forge a political settlement of the war through peace talks.”

“Given the Duterte regime’s positive statements and initial efforts at alliance building, the CPP and NPA look forward to bright prospects of peace negotiations under the incoming government,” added the CPP.

The CPP has previously expressed openness to proposals to declare a ceasefire during the period of peace negotiations.

“The CPP can further consider scaling-down tactical offensives prior to resumption of formal peace negotiations and nationwide ceasefire in response to similar confidence-building measure of the incoming Duterte government including the release of key consultants of the NDFP,” said the CPP.

CPP welcomes Duterte’s plan to release political prisoners

Information Bureau | Communist Party of the Philippines
Press Release April 25, 2016



The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) welcomes the plan of incoming GRP president Rodrigo Duterte to free political prisoners “as a show of confidence” to boost peace talks with the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP).

In interviews yesterday, Duterte said he can release political prisoners and NDFP consultants as soon as talks have started. He said, all charges against the prisoners will be dropped.

“Incoming GRP President Rodrigo Duterte’s plan to release political prisoners will certainly be a cordial act that will surely help invigorate peace negotiations between the GRP and the NDFP,” said the CPP.

“While the revolutionary forces are amenable to incoming GRP president Duterte’s plan to effect the release of all prisoners once talks are resumed, he can also take the option of ordering the release of key peace consultants of the NDFP prior to formal resumption of talks, especially those who will be playing a critical role in preparations and actual negotiations,” said the CPP.

“Such an act of goodwill shall not go unreciprocated by the revolutionary forces.”

The CPP further explained that the release of nearly 600 political prisoners, including the 18 peace consultants of the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP), “will also be an act of justice, as they are being detained unjustly as a result of the offensive of trumped up charges unleashed by the military and police over the past several years.”

The CPP pointed out that “most of the political prisoners being detained by the AFP and PNP are peasant activists, as well as organizers among workers, urban poor, youth and women, who have been charged with unbailable crimes such as illegal possession of firearms and explosives, murder and others.”

“Even as incoming president Duterte plans to release political prisoners, the CPP urges him to revoke the AFP/PNP legal offensive of filing trumped up charges against activists in the legal arena that makes a mockery of the GRP’s justice system.”

“Over the past years, there has been a growing number of aboveground activists who have been harassed by military and police intelligence operatives,” said the CPP. “Not a few of them have chosen to go underground and join the revolutionary armed struggle or seek refuge in areas under the sway of the New People’s Army.”

The armed revolutionary movement of the CPP-NPA rises in Panay to contribute the nationwide people’s war as the US-Aquino regime weakens and ends!

Flagdancer by Maya Daniel

Flagdancer by Maya Daniel

The US-Aquino regime, its anointed successor and allies have tried to build Panay as a solid bailiwick of the Liberal Party in the last six years. Aquino has put his henchmen in most of the local positions and other Panayanon in national posts. He took as allies most of the local opposition figures by bribing them with hundreds of millions of pork barrel.

To boost its economic and political stock, the ruling reactionary regime pushed through its tourism, BPO, privatization and labor export programs in the island for the profit of big foreign and domestic bureaucrat comprador-landlord investors. Billions of pork-barrel funds were channeled to build superhighways and the overpriced Iloilo Convention Center. It allotted billions of pesos more to start the prolandlord Jalaur Dam but inutile (or useless) due to inadequate water-source and to be erected near an earthquake fault. This dam project will submerge and dispossess a huge part of the ancestral land of the Tumandok (tribe or minority people).

The Aquino regime encourages the importation of rice, and other agricultural products, even condoning the smuggling of these products. Admitting to the failure of its food sufficiency program since 2014, it has caused the stagnant and even decrease in the production of rice, fish, sugar, coconut and others in an erstwhile food-exporting Panay and in the whole country due to its espousal of the imperialist trade liberalization policy.

OFWs especially in the oil producing countries are now returning home due to lack of jobs or nonpayment of wages, and their remittance earnings have gone down as oil revenues decline. On top of this, Panay has not yet recovered from the devastation wrought by Super typhoon Yolanda that affected half of Panay’s more than 5 million population including the destruction of 500,000 houses and 2/3 of its farmlands. The livelihood and income of most survivors have yet to fully recover, as these are weighed down by heavy loans incurred in rebuilding their lives and for their daily cost of living. The Aquino regime’s criminal neglect was again demonstrated by its delayed distribution of the measly Emergency Shelter Assistance (ESA) .- This could not even cover the indebtedness incurred by these families for the past two years just to have a decent roof above their heads; many other survivors are not assisted at all.

The destruction of crops, fisheries and even water supply to bring about by the current El Nino is bound to worsen in the months to come. But many local government candidates are already diverting their calamity funds for electioneering. For its part, all that the regime could dish out is the monthly/quarterly Pantawid Pamilya Program to poor families for counter-insurgency deception. While it has doubled this dole out in Panay, it has imposed so many requirements including the undeclared prohibition on joining anti-government protest actions.

Such an abominable situation coupled with the regime’s blatant criminal neglect would generate an explosive social unrest that could only be contained by the reactionary state through outright fascist repression. In the past six years, the Aquino regime has more than doubled the state’s armed force deployed in the region. From three battalions of infantry mobile forces, the regime has added two Philippine National Police (PNP) mobile battalions and several other detached companies of soldiers. During the half-year series of ministerial conferences of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), holding of a component of US BALIKATAN and two presidential visits in Panay, several thousands of PNP officers from other regions were deployed here fully militarizing Metro-Iloilo, Boracay and airports, ports and highways leading to these places.

Panay has become the priority region for the counterinsurgency operations of the 3rd Infantry Division (3rd ID) of the reactionary Philippine Army. Since the start of the US Aquino regime and its Oplan Bayanihan, the mobile forces of the 301st Brigade (Bde) and its PNP reinforcements launched a sustained campaign, with 2 battalion- and a brigade-led operations every month against the NPA and its mass base in the guerilla fronts. “Keyhole” military operations were carried out that involved two company sized units broken down into sections/platoons of soldiers in every barangay, in the suspected long-time consolidated areas of the NPA.

The enemy forces intensified their triad operations (combat, intelligence and civil-military) to engage the NPA, dismantle its mass base and suppress its mass movement, and drive the guerilla forces to passivity. They instilled white terror by actual killings and torture, indiscriminate strafing of people’s homes, sowing bloody intrigue and harassment, arrests and filing of trumped-up cases against suspected rebels and civilians. All the while, the regime would flaunt its ‘human rights’ banner soaked in its victims’ blood. As early as the end of 2014, Panay was declared by the 3rd ID as a “conflict-manageable area” ready for investment and development.

The US-Aquino regime committed its first extrajudicial killing on the very first week of its term in office by assassinating Lezo, Aklan Municipal Councilor Fernando Baldomero, who is also Bayan Muna Provincial Chairman. In March 2014, it assassinated Romeo Capalla, the manager of a people’s moscovado-sugar export enterprise, the Panay Fair Trade Center. A national Intelligence Security Group (ISG) team directly utilized elements of its paramilitary group, the RPA-ABB (Nilo DelaCruz wing), to commit these crimes to ensure deniability and cover up for the “Daang Matuwid” regime.

Hundreds of mass leaders and members of people’s organizations were harassed or killed to sow White terror and break the people’s resistance to an exploitative and oppressive regime. This terror tactic grew more brutal as the people’s resistance and protest increased especially after the outrage on the regime’s utter neglect in the Yolanda calamity and up to today.

The coordinated tactical offensives (TOs) by the New People’s Army (NPA) initially broke the White terror instilled by the state security forces and inspired the people to fight back. Thus the US-Aquino regime reaped the wrath of the massive popular rising and protest actions that have drawn the broadest sympathy from the people and their allies both local and worldwide.

The NPA and the revolutionary forces countered the regime’s unrelenting attacks with a sustained coordinated tactical offensive campaign. The NPA launched tactical offensives more than twice its previous rate seizing (several) high powered firearms and incurring casualties to the enemy.] From the previous tactic of mainly luring the enemy to an ambush, the New People’s Army now also reemploys the tactic of tracking and wiping out a portion of the weakest enemy column of highly alerted and Ranger trained in a multi-column enemy operation for days before reinforcements could come to their rescue. This is how it happened in Barangay San Antonio, Cuartero town, Capiz in July 2015 wherein five enemy soldiers were killed and several others wounded, as well as in upper Miag-ao town in Iloilo in October 2013 with nine casualties from an oversize enemy platoon.

During the previous year, enemy operations were countered with multiple harassment and actual ambush as a counter offensive tactic or a defensive maneuver. The enemy now expects multiple attacks anytime from our guerilla units. In a twelve hour tactical offensive in early December 2015, the NPA launched three military actions – an ambush against a PNP mobile company team in Tuburan, Maayon town in Capiz from the Northeast to the Southwest foothills of Madiaas Mountains in Tiolas, San Joaquin Town in Iloilo wherein six were killed and six others wounded in the enemy side. Simultaneously, punitive action was carried out by the NPA against the Century Peak Company in Igbaras Town Iloilo, a Chinese-owned mining firm known to be financing the military. The NPA’s widespread employment of explosives anywhere in Panay made the enemy’s forces thinly spread out. Again on December 23, 2015, an RPA-ABB chief operative, Jessie Capilastique, was punished right inside their armed enclave in Lanag, Leon town, similar to the punishment meted out to RPA-ABB National vice Commander Hugo right at his heavily-guarded hideout in Badiangan Town, Iloilo last December 2013. They were punished for being the executioners in the ISG-led abduction and killing of mass leaders Romeo Capalla, Luisa Posa and Nilo Arado among other crimes.

All these military operations by the NPA inflicted some 46 casualties (including 20 KIA) in 30 tactical offensives in the year 2015. The level of intensity in the guerilla warfare was dictated by the need to frustrate the redoubled strength and intensity of the enemy attacks in the NPA’s fighting fronts and the urban areas. This was necessary to combat the enemy and defend the revolutionary mass base. It is also aimed particularly to strengthen the struggle of the peasants and Tumandok minority to defend their land. These land are being seized by the reactionary government and military to carry out such onerous projects as the Jalaur Dam, 3rd ID and PNP training camps, US Balikatan military exercises and various other exploitative and oppressive impositions by the reactionary ruling classes.

Not only have these tactical offensives by the NPA maintained the consolidated areas occupied by the keyhole tactic of the 301st Bde, but new and wider areas have been added for wider maneuver and basing of the NPA. Guerilla fronts are being developed in a comprehensive and contiguous manner while the enemy forces are tied down and overstretched to their keyhole tactic of concentration, prolonged and exhausting operations and to the defense of their major projects, centers of power and lines of communications.

Alongside the armed struggle, sustained and vigorous open mass struggles all over the island frustrated the regime’s all-out attempt to snuff out the revolutionary movement in Panay. Instead, the increased resistance and mass actions by Panayanons reaching up to 10s of thousands in the major cities and capitol towns contributed to the nationwide movement for the ouster of the Aquino regime. Hundreds of thousands have mobilized for the relief and rehabilitation of typhoon survivors and the electoral campaigns. Starting with the anti-pork barrel campaign, the mass movement attained its massive island wide character in protest to the regime’s criminal neglect of the immense calamity brought about by Super typhoon Yolanda. This combined with the anti-fascist mass movement as the regime resorted to harassment of the mass rallies and other protest activities, as well as actual killings. The mass movement grew in strength to include protests against the Asia-Pacific Economic Conference (APEC) ministerial meetings, US-RP Balikatan exercises, privatization of public markets, and low state budget for education that intensified in almost weekly mass actions and conjoined in several coordinated island wide mass campaigns.

Truly, such military and political campaigns invigorated the people’s revolutionary movement, frustrated the enemy attacks, further isolated the Aquino regime in Panay and contributed to the nationwide advancement of the people’s war. It also laid the basis for the following task of the NPA and the revolutionary armed struggle for the next year:

1. Sustain the intensity of the armed struggle in Panay to roundly frustrate the US Aquino regime’s Oplan Bayanihan in its last desperate attacks before its abject failure. Continue to counter with greater resolve and strength the new counterinsurgency campaign plan of the next regime abetted by further US military assistance.

Develop further the capacity of all guerilla forces of the NPA to maintain the level of armed struggle attained in 2015.

Other NPA units which are lagging behind should develop their offensive capacity to the level of the leading ones. All units should develop the capacity not only to annihilate enemy units in combat but also to seize their firearms in increasing number. The regionally coordinated TOs should destroy the enemy focus on their priority areas and missions, tie down the enemy to guarding their centers of power, communication and valued projects, and compel them to spread thinly.

The NPA should expand its full-time ranks and build additional units from the increasing local militias, mass organizations of impoverished peasants and Tumandok people, the angry educated and out of school youth and other democratic sectors seeking national and social emancipation.

2. Effectively exercise the functions of the people’s armed political power in the NPA guerilla fronts, as a way to demonstrate that armed revolution is the only alternative to solve the basic problems afflicting the broad masses of the people.

It is not the farcical reactionary elections to replace one oppressive and exploitative ruling clique with another, but the people’s revolutionary movement that is the only path for fundamental social change to achieve genuine national independence, democracy, economic development, social justice and enduring peace from the chronic and worsening crisis caused by imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism.

In Panay and elsewhere in the country, Red political power can be strengthened by expanding and consolidating the people’s mass organizations, carrying out agrarian revolution and other mass campaigns and intensifying the NPA’s tactical offensives at present and in the years to come. By doing so, the people’s revolutionary forces can frustrate the unjust and oppressive policies and impositions of the reactionary ruling regime and continue to gain and enjoy the abundant support of the broad masses of the oppressed and exploited people.

In Panay, perseverance in armed struggle not only encompass the taking up of arms and developing the tactical offensive campaign. It includes consolidating the organized forces of the people in the fighting fronts into higher levels of organization, expanding the organized forces of the peasantry and other sectors, developing the governmental functions at the local level in place of a reactionary government more represented by its anti-people armed forces and anti-people projects imposed. The strengthening of the people’s Red political power should manifest itself in more popular support for the people’s war and rising against the imposition of the old and the new regime. Red political power should develop further the rehabilitation of the fronts from the devastation by calamities and the hunger now stalking the countryside.

3. Continue to take the lead in solving the current problem brought about by the calamities particularly El Nino and the unresolved damage of Typhoon Yolanda especially the scarcity of food and other material needs. Lay the groundwork for the further push for anti-usury, lowering of interest rates and increase in prices for farm products.

Even as widespread hunger and general want stalk the land in food-producer Panay, even more should the revolutionary movement take the lead in organizing the effort towards the production of food and the general rehabilitation of the areas where we have political power and influence. Continue to lead in organizing and assisting the people overcome the disasters brought about by the current El Nino calamity and the remaining damages from super typhoon Yolanda, especially the scarcity of food and other material needs.

Advance the minimum program for revolutionary land reform in reducing and eliminating usury and increasing the farm gate prices of the peasants’ produce, to alleviate the widespread hunger and want in a supposed food-producing island. The armed revolutionary movement should engage in food production and rehabilitation work in the areas where it exercises political power and influence. Mass struggles to demand food subsidies from the reactionary government should be carried out, even as we continue to expose and oppose its criminal neglect and ineptness. The state’s budget priorities for infrastructure, unproductive military spending and debt servicing and wasteful electoral spending should be counter posed against the minimal outlay for much-need calamity alleviation and other social services.
The revolutionary forces must initiate struggles against usury, lowering of interest rates especially in times of calamities, and wage campaigns to increase the prices of farm products.

The US-Aquino regime is about to end as it would manipulate and ensure the election of its chosen successor in the coming fraudulent reactionary election. This would allow the outgoing regime to benefit from its ill-gotten wealth and avoid prosecution of its gross corruption, grave human rights violations and other serious crimes against the Filipino people and nation. Let the further growth and advance of the people’s revolutionary struggles in Panay and throughout the country force out the Aquino regime and confront the succeeding regime with a bigger and formidable revolutionary challenge.

Regional Party Committee
Communist Party of the Philippines
Panay Region
Coronacion ‘Waling-Waling’ Chiva Command
NPA Panay Region
May 2016

Aquino preempting Duterte for inviting US military intervention over Scarborough — CPP

Information Bureau | Communist Party of the Philippines
Press Release May 21, 2016

The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) today denounced the Aquino regime for war mongering and inviting US military intervention in disputes between the Philippines and China over the Scarborough Shoal.

Speaking before foreign reporters yesterday, Aquino sought US military action as a response to a possible scenario of China building a military outpost at the area claiming such will maintain US ascendancy and confidence of “one of its allies”.

“Aquino’s combative statements made just a few weeks before leaving office is a foolhardy attempt to preempt the incoming Duterte government from approaching the South China Sea disputes with more diplomatic circumspect,” said the CPP.

“Aquino’s statements were obviously made under the advice of the US which has started to become concerned over the possibility of more amicable negotiations between the incoming Duterte regime and the Chinese government concerning disputes over the Scarborough Shoal and other parts of the South China Sea,” added the CPP.

The Scarborough Shoal is an area of rocks and corals which has served as a rich fishing area less than 200 kilometers west of Subic Bay. It is currently effectively controlled by China since 2012 after a standoff with the Philippines.

Backchannelling talks to arrange for the withdrawal of Chinese sea vessels from the reefs were torpedoed by the Aquino regime upon the goading of the US. China’s amenability to withdraw the last three of its Chinese Marine Surveillance (CMS) ships from 90 vessels at the start of the standoff was undermined when Aquino brought the matter before the US-influenced ASEAN ending then quiet but fruitful backchanneling.

“Aquino’s six years of US-instigated jingoism in combination with US military muscle-flexing has only escalated tension and heightened militarization in the South China Sea,” said the CPP.

“The CPP advises the incoming Duterte government to assert Philippine sovereignty over the country’s territorial seas principally by calling for the demilitarization of the area, by generating international pressure to urge both the US and China to withdraw their militaries from the area,” said the CPP.

“To assert Philippine sovereignty, the Duterte government can urge China to reduce its military presence in the South China Sea by working for the reciprocal withdrawal or planned reduction of US troops, US naval ships, jetfighters, surveillance planes and drones, long-range artillery and other war materiél from Philippine soil and seas,” said the CPP.

“US military presence in the Philippines and in the South China Sea has aggravated China and instigated it to become more aggressive in defending its national sovereignty to the point of escalating and militarizing disputes with the Philippines,” said the CPP.

“Withdrawal of US and China military forces in the South China Sea will pave the way for developing economic relations with China in parallel with that of the US and other countries,” added the CPP.

CPP open to Duterte offer based on principles and policies

Information Bureau | Communist Party of the Philippines
Press Release | May 17, 2016

The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) acknowledges the public offer made yesterday by incoming GRP president Rodrigo Duterte for the CPP to head at least four GRP agencies. The CPP said it looks forward to forging an alliance for national unity, peace and development with the Duterte government based on clearly stipulated principles and policies of national sovereignty and social justice.

maxresdefaultIn meeting the press yesterday, Duterte said the CPP can be given four cabinet posts to head the Department of Agrarian Reform, the Department of Environment and Natural Resources, the Department of Social Work and Development and the Department of Labor and Employment.

“We view the offer of key cabinet positions made by presumptive president Duterte as an acknowledgement of the strength and political standing of the CPP and revolutionary forces, its effective representation of the interests of workers, peasants, minorities and the broad masses as well as its work in protecting the environment,” said the CPP.

“The CPP and the revolutionary forces welcome the possibility of joining presumptive president Duterte in an alliance government, whether in the form of assigning cabinet positions to the CPP or its endorsees or some other more radical form of unity government which the maverick new president might be open to consider,” said the CPP.

“While the CPP is not averse to being assigned cabinet positions under certain conditions, incoming president Duterte knows fully well that what is more important to the revolutionary forces are the necessary changes in the policies and programs that govern these departments and the entire government,” it elaborated.

“A u-turn in the neoliberal policies of the past three decades, to say the least, must be carried out,” said the CPP.

“For instance, a DOLE secretary can only effectively serve the interests of the labor sector when there are laws prohibiting contractualization, promoting unions, establishing a national wage system and substantially raising wages to decent levels.”

“A DAR secretary will only be able to serve the interests of the peasant masses when there is a genuine land reform program that upholds the social justice tenet of free distribution of land to the tillers and which prohibit landlords, plantations and contract-growers from grabbing and monopolizing lands.”

“An alliance or coalition between the Duterte regime and the CPP and revolutionary forces can be realized on the basis of such principles as national sovereignty and social justice, which are questions at the core of the current armed conflict,” said the CPP. “This include, among others, the need for genuine land reform, industrialization and economic development, jobs, ending US troop presence and many others.”

The CPP added: “We anticipate the public offer made yesterday by presumptive president Duterte for the CPP to join his cabinet to be followed through with a more thorough discussion of policies through peace negotiations with the NDFP which is an excellent opportunity to discuss the socio-economic issues confronting the people.”

“The CPP further encourages the presumptive president to engage in discussions with workers, peasants and other mass-based organizations to enable him to listen to their grievances and see the urgent need to address their situation with substantial changes in policy.”

Prospects under a Duterte presidency

Central Committee | Communist Party of the Philippines
[Filipino translation »»]

photo: philstar

photo: philstar

The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) and all revolutionary forces take stock of the significance of the rise of Davao Mayor Rodrigo Duterte as chief political representative of the ruling classes and head of the reactionary client-state and its consequences in advancing the national democratic revolution through people’s war.

I. Significance of Duterte’s election as president
The election of Davao City Mayor Rodrigo Duterte as next president of the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP) is a resounding rejection of Aquino’s claims of “good governance”, “inclusive growth” and “tuwid na daan.” He routed the ruling regime’s fund-rich and politically-favored candidate Mar Roxas.

Duterte strongly attacked the Aquino regime and presented himself as an anti-thesis of the oligarchic and cacique rule, keenly aware of the Filipino people’s profound hatred for the Aquino regime and its six years of corruption, mendacity, puppetry and wholesale failure to address the needs of the Filipino people.

By drawing broad support, large crowds and social media drumbeating, Duterte succeeded in preempting the plans of the US-Aquino regime to use the automated counting system to steal the elections from him. Still, there are strong indications that election results were manipulated to boost Roxas’ votes, favor Aquino’s vice-presidential and senatorial candidates, as well as to prevent progressive partylist groups from gaining more seats in parliament.

With election-related assassinations, vote-buying, use of public funds, party-switching, automated fraud and so on, the recent reactionary elections is as dirty and rotten than before, contrary to insistent claims that elections were democratic, clean and credible.

Duterte’s rise to the presidency is a reflection of the deepening and aggravating crisis of the semicolonial and semifeudal system. He was able to draw broad support from the people because he presented himself as sympathetic to their discontent and deep desire to put an end to the oppressive and rotten ruling system.

Duterte’s election also reflects the deepening factional strife among the ruling classes. He polarized the political elite with his cuss-filled bluster.

In running his election campaign, he relied on the strength of contributions by big business and political groups, kingmakers, religious sects, military cliques and other interest groups in his presidential campaign kitty, in exchange for economic and political favors come payback time. He spent billions to fund his media and advertising campaign, as well as his technology-supported social media campaign.

Duterte and his allies advocate federalism criticizing scant national attention and resources, slow delivery of services and failure to develop the local economies. Such a proposal is a reflection of the demand of the ruling classes to further divvy up the country’s resources among the ruling elite.

Certain sections of the political elite support Duterte in the hope of pushing his anti-crime crusade to justify the establishment of a police state. They seek the imposition of more draconian measures to suppress workers’ democratic rights and people’s human rights to more effectively carry out the exploitation and plunder of the country’s human and natural resources.

With Duterte set to become GRP president, for the first time, the Philippine client-state is to be headed by one who is not completely beholden to the US imperialists. Duterte has railed against the US and the US CIA for whisking away its agent Michael Meiring who accidentally exploded the improvised bomb he was preparing inside a Davao hotel during the height of the 2003 US terror bombings in Mindanao. He has opposed the use of the Davao airport as a base for US drone operations and has spoken disfavorably against the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA). Duterte has slammed the current US and Australian ambassadors for political meddling after recently making comments about his tasteless rape joke.

On the other hand, the rest of the political elite are largely pro-US and favor US dominance and military presence. The CIA and US military and its local agents continue to hold sway over most aspects of the ruling state, especially the AFP. Duterte himself is appointing pro-US and pro-IMF/WB officials to head his economic team. The US also continues to hold dominant sway in the Philippine congress, the Supreme Court, the GRP economic policy and finance agencies, media and cultural organizations.

If Duterte seriously and vigorously pursues his promise to eradicate criminality, especially widespread drug trade within three to six months, he will likely drive a wedge deep into the ranks of military and police generals and bureaucrat capitalists who are protectors, operators and associates of criminal syndicates.

He has bared his intention of declaring a ceasefire as one of his first acts as president in order to boost peace negotiations with the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP), as well as with various groups representing the Moro people. He has been shown respect and has even flaunted his friendship with the revolutionary forces to the chagrin of the militarists who seek only the suppression of the people’s resistance.

Duterte has styled himself a maverick, an anti-establishment politico and a “socialist” and claims he will be the country’s first “Left president.” Duterte’s avowal of being a socialist, his anti-US fulminations, openness to develop relations with China and enthusiasm for peace negotiations with the revolutionary forces will not sit well among the more rabid defenders of US military intervention, hegemonism and counterinsurgency dogma.

II. Prospects of accelerated peace negotiations with the Duterte regime
After 15 years of stalled NDFP-GRP peace negotiations, the Filipino people are highly desirous of progress in efforts to attain a negotiated political settlement of the long-running civil war.

Certain progressive aspects in Duterte’s discourse, his recognition of both the political legitimacy and armed political strength of the revolutionary movement and his history of cooperation with the revolutionary forces in Mindanao, make possible the acceleration of peace negotiations.

The CPP and revolutionary forces welcomes Duterte’s plan to seriously pursue the NDFP-GRP peace negotiations as well as his plan to visit The Netherlands in order to personally meet NDFP senior political consultant Prof. Jose Ma. Sison and the Utrecht-based NDFP peace panel.

The CPP fully supports the NDFP proposal, put forward by Prof. Jose Ma. Sison, to pursue NDFP-GRP peace negotiations under the Duterte government with the aim of forging an agreement to establish a government of national unity, peace and development.

Duterte and Prof. Sison can forge a plan for accelerated peace negotiations with the aim of forging comprehensive agreements addressing the substantive issues in a matter of a few months. The CPP and NPA are open to consider proposals for a mutual ceasefire during the definite period of peace negotiations.

The revolutionary forces expect Duterte to recognize and uphold all standing agreements signed by the NDFP and the GRP over the past 20 years, including The Hague Joint Declaration of 1992 which has served as framework and anchor of the negotiations; the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG); the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL) of 1998; and so on.

Necessarily, among the first measures that need to be carried out by the Duterte regime to boost peace negotiations would be the release all detained NDFP consultants and facilitation of their travel to a neutral territory where negotiations can be conducted. They were treacherously arrested in violation of earlier agreements and made to suffer unjust prolonged imprisonment.

III. Challenge for significant reforms under Duterte
Duterte’s rhetoric has raised high the people’s expectations for substantial and accelerated reforms.
As an avowed opponent of US meddling, Duterte has the unique opportunity to end the 70 year chain of US puppet governments since the 1946 Roxas regime.

He can undo Aquino’s legacy of national humiliation for having served as a pawn in the US “Asia pivot” strategy by allowing the US to restore its military bases and maintain permanent presence of its warships, jetfighters, drones and interventionist troops.
To countervail Aquino’s puppetry, he must withdraw his stand to let the EDCA stand. He must immediately notifiy the US government of his intent to abrogate the EDCA which was signed as an executive agreement in April 2014. He must rescind the EDCA-sanctioned use of five AFP camps as US military bases and facilities.

He can serve the US notice to end the unequal Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA), the Mutual Logistics Support Agreement (MLSA) and the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) as well as the Mutual Defense Treaty of 1951, the parent agreement and source of all military iniquities.

He can immediately send home US Ambassador Goldberg for interference in Philippine internal affairs.

Duterte can be the first Philippine president to pursue an independent foreign policy, one that is not beholden to and dependent on the US. Towards this, Duterte must condemn US war-mongering and US-China saber-rattling and oppose militarization of the territorial sea by the US and Chinese military forces. He must disallow the US military to use the Philippines as base for its interventionism. If he does, he is bound to be the Philippines’ first world-class president who stood for Philippine sovereignty and prevented the military buildup in the region.

He must oppose the US demand to effect charter change to remove the remaining restrictions against foreign ownership as requirement for Philippine integration into the Trans-Pacific Partnership, dubbed as the “dirtiest deal ever”.

Corollarily, he can pursue a policy of developing mutually-beneficial economic and trade relations with China with an aim of ending economic and trade dependence on the US. He can pursue a policy of engaging China in bilateral talks to peacefully resolve the South China Sea conflict and oppose US military presence in the area. He can take advantage of the availability of low-interest funds from China’s Asian International Infrastructure Bank (AIIB) to support the development of local industry and manufacturing.

Duterte can choose to forge agreements with oil producing countries such as Venezuela, Russia or Iran for state centralized procurement of cheap oil which has been a non-option so far because of the US-defined Philippine foreign policy.

As an ardent anti-crime and anti-corruption advocate, the challenge is for Duterte to prioritize the biggest criminals. The small-fry criminals will disappear without their big fish protectors and sharks up high in the bureaucracy and military and police organization.

He can immediately carry out the arrest and swift prosecution of Benigno Aquino III, Florencio Abad and the biggest criminal perpetrators of the trillion-peso DAP swindle and prevent them from leaving the country. He must follow-through with the prosecution of Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and ensure that she is held criminally responsible for the anomalous ZTE broadband deal and other corruption cases, including fraud in the 2004 elections.

The biggest drug lords and criminal syndicates continue to expand their operations under the protection of the top generals of the AFP and PNP. To address the widespread drug trade, Duterte will have to risk subjecting the top echelons of the military and police to a major shakedown to weed out, charge and punish the criminals. Street-level drug pushers and users must be rehabilitated through employment and by establishing centers for medical and psychological rehabilitation from drug abuse.

Duterte has rightly declared his plan to prioritize agriculture, education and health. He must immediately address the urgent needs of the toiling masses of workers and peasants.

To develop agriculture, Duterte is challenged to heed the clamor for genuine land reform which is both an urgent economic and social justice measure. Genuine land reform is the free distribution of land to the peasant tillers and producers. The fake land reform of the past 30 years was a burdensome real estate transaction where peasants were made to pay for the land that they have already earned through years of feudal exactions.

Duterte must cancel all unpaid amortization as well as absorb loans where land titles were collateralized under the prenda system. He can work with peasant organizations to effect genuine land distribution of Hacienda Luisita, as well as Hacienda Dolores and many other feudal land holdings. He can put an immediate stop to the widespread land-use conversion of farmlands and privatization of public lands that have resulted widespread eviction of peasants and national minorities from their lands.

As an economic policy, genuine land reform can unleash the productive potentials of the peasant masses as land owners and expand the local market for manufactured commodities.

A correlated national industrialization policy must be geared, among others, towards the mechanization of agriculture in order to boost food production and processing to ensure sufficient supply of low-priced rice, poultry, meat and vegetables. Irrigation facilities must be expanded and funded for the free use of the peasant producers.

Duterte has declared he is not much of an economist and said he will listen to the experts. Unfortunately, the supposed experts he is set to appoint are technocrats and big businessmen who excel at neoliberal economic policies and serve foreign big capitalists, and not at promoting domestic economic growth and production. They advocate the economics of “attracting foreign investments” and “easing restrictions” as sought by the US and foreign big capitalists.

In framing economic policies, Duterte should listen first to the workers and peasants, rather than big business and technocrats who advocate the same failed economic policy of more than half a century. This is decisive. Failure to do so will, in the end, prove his regime to have been simply part of the neoliberal continuum.

To aim for rapid Philippine independent economic modernization with balanced and integrated development of heavy, medium and light industries, Duterte must repudiate the neoliberal thrusts of liberalization, privatization, deregulation and denationalization of the previous regimes. Advancing land reform and national industrialization will generate jobs and end the need for such palliatives as the conditional cash transfer (4Ps) that only perpetuate the people’s poverty and smokescreen the deterioration of public social services.
The Duterte regime must heed the demand of workers and employees for a national minimum wage and the abolition of the regionalization of wages. He must end contractualization and take back his earlier statements against unions and workers rights. Without their unions, workers have nothing to defend themselves against attacks on wages.

In education, Duterte is challenged to scrap the K-12 program which generalizes technical and vocational education to produce cheap contractual labor for export and for export-oriented semi-manufacturing. He must reverse the policy of state abandonment of education and uphold state policy of providing free education for all.

He can push for the integration of education with independent economic modernization through the promotion of research and development in the fields of agricultural production, energy generation, manufacturing, computer technology, new materials and others. To leave a lasting legacy of patriotism, he must gear education to a patriotic cultural renewal by rewriting history from the point of view of the Filipino people instead of its colonial subjugators.

In public health, Duterte is challenged to revoke the policy of privatization of public hospitals and uphold the state policy of providing free public health care for all. He can end the Philhealth milking cow system of private health insurance and instead ensure that everyone is given access to free health care.

He must deliver the basic social services demanded by the people and recast the national budget to allot sufficient funds for education, health, housing and such.

Furthermore, Duterte must cancel Aquino’s highly questionable PPP contracts, including the MRT Cavite extension, which gives the Ayalas, Cojuangcos, Consunjis, Pangilinans and other big bourgeois compradors undue advantage in using state funds and state-guaranteed loans and government assured profits.

In the field of human rights, Duterte must effect the release from prison of close to six hundred political prisoners who continue to suffer from detention, mostly peasants and workers, who are facing trumped-up charges. Duterte can effect their release from prison as a boost to his government’s effort to uphold human rights and as a turn back on his endorsement of vigilante killings.

He must pave the way for the return of the Lumad evacuees by ordering the pull-out of the operating troops of the AFP from their schools, communities and land and allow the people to re-open their community-run schools. He must heed the demand for justice of the Lumad people and recognize their all-encompassing rights as a national minority people, as well as those of other minority groups.

He must undertake steps to punish all violators of human rights of the past thirty years. He must put a stop to extra-judicial killings. He must heed the demand to put an end to the US-instigated Oplan Bayanihan “counterinsurgency” operations and militarization of the countryside.

IV. Challenges to the Filipino people and the revolutionary movement
While engaging the Duterte regime in peace negotiations and possible alliance in order to advance the national and democratic aspirations of the Filipino people, the revolutionary forces will continue to relentlessly advance the people’s armed resistance and democratic mass struggles. While open to cooperation and alliance, they must relentlessly criticize and oppose any and all anti-people and pro-imperialist policy and measure. There will be no honeymoon with the Duterte regime.

While incoming GRP President Duterte has displayed progressive aspects, the revolutionary forces are also aware that he is mainly a part of the ruling class political elite.

For the past four decades, he has served the system as a bureaucrat and implemented its laws and policies. He has worked with foreign and local big capitalists, plantation owners and big landlords who expect returns under his regime. The masses of workers, peasants and farm workers in Davao City have long-suffered from the oppressive and exploitative conditions in the big plantations and export-oriented contract-growing businesses.

In his policy pronouncements, Duterte has yet to declare a clear deviation from the dominant neoliberal economic thinking which has brought about grave hardships to the Filipino people for more than three decades.

Indeed, world history has seen the rise of anti-US leaders in US-dominated countries under certain conditions. In recent years, Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez (1999-2013) and Bolivia’s Evo Morales (2006-present) have stood militantly to defend their country’s right to self-determination.

Their anti-imperialism allowed their government to free large amounts of resources such as land and oil from foreign control and accrue these to the people in the form of increasing state subsidies for education and public health. On the other hand, while clearly benefiting from their government’s anti-imperialism and increasing resources for the delivery of social and economic services, the broad masses of workers and peasants continued to suffer from oppression and exploitation because foreign big capitalists and landlords remained dominant in other fields of the economy and state power.

The worsening conditions of the semicolonial and semifeudal system, the deepening factional strife among the ruling classes, the prolonged recession of the US and the rise of China as a competing imperialist power are among the prevailing conditions where we find the rise of political maverick Rodrigo Duterte as GRP president.

The Filipino people and their revolutionary forces keenly look forward to the possibility of forging an alliance with the Duterte regime within a framework for national unity, peace and development. Duterte’s mettle is about to be tested. Will he walk his talk and take on the opportunity to stand up against US imperialism? Or will his bombast end up as empty rhetoric?

Duterte must heed the people’s mounting clamor for land, jobs, wage increases, free education, public health and housing, reduction in the price of commodities, defense of Philippine sovereignty against US intervention, defense of national patrimony and economic progress and modernization, an end to corruption and crime in the bureaucracy, military and the police.

If he fails or refuses to heed the people’s clamor, he is bound to end up a mere historical anomaly and suffer the same fate as the Estrada regime.

The Filipino people are ever ready to intensify the people’s war to advance the revolution and mass struggles to amplify their democratic demands.

The New People’s Army must continue to carry out the tasks set forth by the CPP Central Committee to intensify the people’s war by launching more frequent tactical offensives and seizing more arms from the enemy.

Armed with a strategic and historical point-of-view, the Filipino proletariat and people know fully well that only a people’s democratic revolution can decisively and thoroughly end imperialist and local big bourgeois comprador and landlord rule by overthrowing its armed state.

By intensifying their struggles, the Filipino people are bound to attain more and more victories in the years to come. The people’s war is set to press forward under the Duterte regime.




Mga haharapin sa ilalim ni Duterte

Komite Sentral  | Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas 

photo: philstar

photo: philstar

Inilulugar ng Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP) at lahat ng rebolusyonaryong pwersa ang kabuluhan ng paglitaw ni Davao Mayor Rodrigo Duterte bilang pangunahing pulitikal na kinatawan ng naghaharing uri at pinuno ng reaksyunaryong kliyenteng estado at ang mga idudulot nito sa pagsusulong ng pambansa-demokratikong rebolusyon sa pamamagitan ng digmang bayan.

1. Kabuluhan ng pagkakahalal kay Duterte bilang presidente 

Ang pagkakahalal kay Davao City Mayor Rodrigo Duterte bilang susunod na presidente ng Gubyerno ng Republika ng Pilipinas (GRP) ay malinaw na pagwaksi sa ipinamamarali ni Aquino na “mabuting pamahalaan,” “inclusive growth” at “tuwid na daan.” Dinaig niya si Mar Roxas, ang kandidato ng naghaharing rehimen na may napakalaking pondo at pampulitikang suporta.

Mariing inatake ni Duterte ang rehimeng Aquino at itinanghal ang sarili bilang kabaligtaran ng pamumunong oligarkiya at asendero, batid ang malalim na galit ng mamamayang Pilipino sa rehimeng Aquino at sa anim na taon nito ng korupsyon, panlilinlang, pagkatuta at lansakang kakulangan ng pagtugon sa pangangailangan ng mamamayang

Sa pamamagitan ng paghamig ng malawak na suporta, pagpapakilos ng malalaking bilang ng mga tao, pagtatambol sa social media at hi-tech na mga kontra-aksyon, napigilan ni Duterte ang mga plano ng rehimeng US-Aquino na gamitin ang de-kompyuter na sistema ng pagbibilang upang nakawin sa kanya ang pagkakahalal. Gayunpaman, malakas ang mga indikasyon na ang mga resulta ng halalan ay minanipula para palakihin ang boto ni Roxas, paburan ang mga kandidato ni Aquino sa bise-presidente at senador, gayundin upang pigilan ang mga progresibong partylist na makakuha ng dagdag na mga pwesto sa parlamento.

Kabilang ang mga asasinasyong kaugnay ng eleksyon, bentahan ng boto, paggamit ng pondo ng mamamayan, paglipat-lipat ng partido, de-kompyuter na dayaan, at iba pa, ang katatapos na reaksyunaryong halalan ay kasing dumi at bulok ng dati, salungat sa paggigiit na ito ay demokratiko, malinis at kapani-paniwala.

Ang pag-akyat ni Duterte bilang presidente ay sumasalamin sa papalalim at papalalang krisis ng malakolonyal at malapyudal na sistema. Nahatak niya ang malawak na suporta ng mamamayan dahil ipinakilala niya ang sarili bilang karamay sa kanilang diskuntento at malalim na pagnanais na tapusin na ang mapang-api at bulok na naghaharing sistema.

Ang pagkakahalal kay Duterte ay sumasalamin din ng lumalalim na paksyunal na tunggalian sa hanay ng naghaharing uri. Hinati niya ang mga pulitikong elite sa kanyang buladas na puno ng pagmumura.

Sa pagpapaandar ng kanyang kampanya sa eleksyon, inasahan niyang magpopondo sa kanyang kampanya ang mga kontribusyon ng malalaking negosyante at grupong pulitikal, mga kingmaker, relihiyosong sekta, pangkating militar at iba pang mga interesadong grupo, kapalit ng pang-ekonomya at pampulitikang pabor pagdating ng panahon. Gumastos siya ng bilyon sa kanyang kampanya sa midya at sa patalastas, gayundin sa kanyang kampanya sa social media.

Itinataguyod ni Duterte at ng kanyang mga alyado ang pederalismo na pumupuna sa kakulangan ng pambansang atensyon at rekurso, mabagal na pagbibigay ng mga serbisyong panlipunan at kakulangan sa pagpapaunlad sa mga lokal na ekonomya. Ang gayong panukala ay salamin ng kahilingan ng mga naghaharing uri na lalupang paghati-hatian ang mga rekurso ng bayan sa pagitan nila.

May ilang seksyon ng mga pulitikong elite ang sumusuporta kay Duterte sa pag-asang maitulak ang kanyang krusada laban sa krimen upang mabigyang katwiran ang pagtatayo ng isang estadong-pulis. Ninanais nila ang pagpataw ng mas mahihigpit na hakbang sa pagsupil sa demokratikong mga karapatan ng mga manggagawa at karapatang tao ng mamamayan upang maging lalong mabisa ang kanilang pagsasamantala at pandarambong sa yamang-tao at likas na yaman ng bayan.

Sa pag-upo ni Duterte bilang presidente ng GRP, sa unang pagkakataon, ang kliyenteng-estadong Pilipinas ay pamumunuan ng isang hindi lubos na tali sa mga imperyalistang US. Dating kinagalitan ni Duterte ang US at ang US CIA sa pagpupuslit sa kanilang ahenteng si Michael Meiring na aksidenteng nakapasabog ng inihahanda niyang bomba sa loob ng isang hotel sa Davao sa kasagsagan ng mga teroristang pambobomba ng US sa Mindanao noong 2002. Tinutulan niya ang paggamit sa paliparan ng Davao bilang base ng mga operasyong drone ng US at pinuna niya ang EDCA. Tinuligsa ni Duterte ang kasalukuyang mga ambassador ng US at Australia sa pulitikal na pakikialam matapos magkomentaryo sa kanyang masagwang biro tungkol sa panggagahasa.

Sa kabilang banda, marami sa mga pulitikong elite ay maka-US at pabor sa paghahari at presensyang militar ng US. Ang CIA at militar ng US at lokal na mga ahente nito ay nangingibabaw sa maraming aspeto ng naghaharing estado, laluna sa AFP. Pinalilibutan mismo ni Duterte ang kanyang sarili ng mga opisyal na maka-US at maka-IMF/WB. Patuloy ring nangingibabaw ang US sa kongreso ng Pilipinas, sa Korte Suprema, sa mga patakarang pang-ekonomya ng GRP at mga ahensya sa pinansya, midya at mga organisasyong pangkultura.
Kung tototohanin at masiglang itutuloy ni Duterte ang kanyang pangakong pawiin ang kriminalidad, laluna ang malawakang kalakalan sa droga sa loob ng tatlo hanggang anim na buwan, malamang na lilikha ito ng malalim na bitak sa hanay ng mga heneral ng militar at pulisya at mga burukrata kapitalistang protektor, opereytor at kabakas ng mga sindikatong kriminal.

Inihayag na niya ang kanyang layuning magdeklara ng tigil-putukan bilang isa sa mga unang hakbang bilang presidente upang isulong ang usapang pangkapayapaan sa NDFP, gayundin sa iba’t ibang mga grupong kumakatawan sa mamamayang Moro. Nirespeto niya at pinangalandakan pa nga ang kanyang pakikipagkaibigan sa rebolusyonaryong mga pwersa sa laking dismaya ng mga militaristang ang gusto lamang ay supilin ang paglaban ng mamamayan.

Itinanghal ni Duterte na siya’y naiiba, isang pulitikong kontra-establisimento at isang “sosyalista” at nagpapahayag na siya ang magiging unang “Kaliwang presidente” ng bayan. Ang pagsabi ni Duterte na siya’y sosyalista, ang kanyang anti-US na mga pagbatikos, kahandaang magpaunlad ng relasyon sa China at kasigasigan para sa usapang pangkayapaan sa mga pwersang rebolusyonaryo ay hindi magiging katanggap-tanggap sa mga masugid na tagapagtanggol sa dogma ng interbensyong militar ng US, hegemonismo at kontra-insurhensya.

2. Ang hinaharap ng pinabilis na negosasyong pangkapayapaan sa rehimeng Duterte

Matapos ang 15 taong pagkabalam ng negosasyong pangkapayapaan ng NDFP at GRP, marubdob na inaasam ng mamamayang Pilipino ang pag-usad ng mga pagsisikap na matamo ang isang napagkasunduang pampulitikang resolusyon sa matagalang digmaang sibil.

Ang ilang progresibong aspeto sa pagsasalita ni Duterte, ang kanyang pagkilala kapwa sa pagiging lehitimong pwersang pampulitika at sa armadong pampulitikang kapangyarihan ng rebolusyonaryong kilusan at ang kasaysayan ng kanyang pakikipagtulungan sa mga rebolusyonaryong pwersa sa Mindanao, ay maaaring magpabilis sa negosasyong pangkapayapaan.

Ikinalulugod ng PKP at ng mga rebolusyonaryong pwersa ang plano ni Duterte na seryosong ipagpatuloy ang negosasyong pangkapayapaan sa pagitan ng NDFP at GRP gayundin ang kanyang plano na bumisita sa The Netherlands upang personal na makipagpulong sa senior political consultant ng NDFP na si Prof. Jose Ma. Sison at ang NDFP peace panel sa Utrecht.

Buo ang suporta ng PKP sa panukala ng NDFP na inihapag ni Prof. Jose Ma. Sison, na ipagpatuloy ang negosasyong pangkapayapaang NDFP-GRP sa ilalim ng gubyernong Duterte sa layuning makapagbuo ng kasunduang magtatatag ng isang gubyerno ng pambansang pagkakaisa, kapayapaan at kaunlaran.

Makakapagbuo sina Duterte at Prof. Sison ng plano para sa pinabilis na negosasyong pangkapayapaan na naglalayong makapagbalangkas, sa loob ng ilang buwan, ng mga kumprehensibong kasunduang tutugon sa mga pundamental na usapin. Bukas ang PKP at BHB na ikunsidera ang mga panukala para sa sabayang tigil-putukan sa takdang panahon ng negosasyong pangkapayapaan.

Inaasahan ng mga rebolusyonaryong pwersa na kikilalanin at itataguyod ni Duterte ang lahat ng umiiral na kasunduang pinirmahan ng NDFP at GRP sa nakalipas na 20 taon, kabilang ang The Hague Joint Declaration ng 1992 na siyang nagsilbing balangkas at batayan ng mga negosasyon; ang Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG); ang Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law (CARHRIHL) ng 1998; at iba pa.

Dapat lamang maging kabilang sa mga unang hakbang na ipatutupad ng rehimeng Duterte upang itaguyod ang negosasyong pangkapayapaan ang pagpapalaya ng lahat ng nakadetineng konsultant ng NDFP at pagtiyak na makabibiyahe sila patungo sa nyutral na teritoryo kung saan idaraos ang mga negosasyon. Sila ay pataksil na inaresto, labag sa naunang mga kasunduan at pinagdusa ng di-makatarungang pagkakabilanggo nang mahabang panahon.

3. Hamon para sa mga makabuluhang reporma sa ilalim ni Duterte 

Ang mga pahayag ni Duterte ay nagpataas sa mga inaasahan ng mamamayan para sa makabuluhan at mabibilis na reporma.

Bilang isang deklaradong katunggali ng pakikialam ng US, may natatanging pagkakataon si Duterte na wakasan ang 70-taong kadena ng mga papet na gubyerno ng US mula pa sa rehimeng Roxas noong 1946.

Magagawa niyang baligtarin ang ipinamana ni Aquino na pambansang kahihiyan ng pagiging tau-tauhan sa estratehiyang “pihit sa Asia” ng US nang pahintulutan ang US na ipanumbalik ang mga baseng militar nito at magmantine ng permanenteng presensya ng mga barkong pandigma, jetfighter, drone at tropang interbensyunista.

Upang makontra ang pagkapapet ni Aquino, dapat niyang bawiin ang kanyang paninindigang manatili ang Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA). Dapat niyang agad na abisuhan ang gubyernong US sa kanyang balak na ipawalambisa ang EDCA na pinirmahan bilang isang ehekutibong kasunduan noong Abril 2014. Dapat niyang kanselahin ang pagpahintulot ng EDCA na gamitin ang limang kampo ng AFP bilang mga base at pasilidad militar ng US.

Maaari niyang paabutan ang US ng balak na tapusin ang di-pantay na Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA), ang Mutual Logistics Support Agreement (MLSA) at ang Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) gayundin ang Mutual Defense Treaty ng 1951, ang punong kasunduan at ugat ng lahat ng di pagkakapantay-pantay pangmilitar.

Maaari niyang agad na pauwiin si US Ambassador Goldberg dahil sa pakikialam sa mga usaping panloob ng Pilipinas.

Si Duterte ay maaaring maging kauna-unahang presidente ng Pilipinas na magpapatupad ng nagsasariling patakarang panlabas, yaong hindi nakatali at nakaasa sa US. Tungo rito, dapat kundenahin ni Duterte ang pang-uupat ng digma ng US at paggirian ng US at China at labanan ang militarisasyon ng mga pwersang militar ng US at China sa teritoryal na karagatan. Dapat niyang pagbawalan ang militar ng US na gamitin ang Pilipinas bilang base ng kanyang interbensyunismo. Kapag ginawa niya ito, siya ang magiging kauna-unahang “world-class” na presidente ng Pilipinas na nanindigan para sa soberanya ng Pilipinas at pumigil sa pagpapaigting-militar sa rehiyon.

Dapat niyang tutulan ang itinutulak ng US na pagbabago sa konstitusyon upang tanggalin ang natitirang mga pagbabawal sa dayuhang pagmamay-ari bilang rekisito para makapasok ang Pilipinas sa Trans-Pacific Partnership, na tinaguriang “pinakamaruming kasunduan”.

Kaakibat nito, maaari siyang magpatupad ng patakaran sa pagpapaunlad ng pang-ekonomya at pangkalakalang ugnayan na mutwal na kapaki-pakinabang sa Pilipinas at sa China, sa layuning wakasan ang pang-ekonomya at pangkalakalang pagsandig sa US. Maaari siyang magpatupad ng patakaran ng bilateral na pakikipag-usap sa China upang mapayapang resolbahin ang tunggalian sa South China Sea at salungatin ang presensyang militar ng US sa erya. Maaari niyang samantalahin ang mga pondong may mababang interes mula sa Asian International Infrastructure Bank (AIIB) ng China upang suportahan ang pagpapaunlad ng lokal na industriya at manupaktura.

Maaaring itulak ni Duterte ang pagbubuo ng mga kasunduan sa mga bansang pinagkukunan ng langis katulad ng Venezuela, Russia o Iran para sa sentralisadong pagbili ng estado ng murang langis na dati’y hindi magawa dahil sa ugnayang panlabas ng Pilipinas na nakatali sa US.

Bilang marubdob na tagasuporta ng kontra-krimen at kontra-korupsyon, ang hamon kay Duterte ay ang pag-una sa pinakamalalaking kriminal. Ang maliliit na isdang kriminal ay maglalaho kung wala ang kanilang malalaking isdang protektor at mga pating na nasa pinakamataas na burukrasya at organisasyon ng militar at pulisya.

Maaari niyang agad na ipatupad ang pag-aresto at mabilis na paglilitis kay Benigno Aquino III, Florencio Abad at sa pinakamalalaking kriminal na responsable sa paglustay ng trilyon-pisong panggagantsong DAP at pigilan silang lumabas ng bansa. Dapat niyang tapusin ang paglilitis kay Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo at tiyaking mapapanagot siya sa kriminal na responsibilidad sa maanomalyang kasunduang broadband sa ZTE at iba pang kaso ng korupsyon, kabilang na ang pandaraya sa eleksyong 2004.

Patuloy na nagpapalawak ng kanilang mga operasyon ang pinakamalalaking drug lord at kriminal na sindikato sa ilalim ng proteksyon ng pinakamatataas na heneral ng AFP at PNP. Sa paglutas ng malaganap na kalakalan ng droga, kakailanganing isugal ni Duterte ang pagpapailalim sa pinakamataas na pamunuan ng militar at pulisya sa isang mayor na pagrekisa upang ihiwalay, kasuhan, at parusahan ang mga kriminal. Ang maliliit na nagtutulak at gumagamit ng droga ay dapat tulungang magbago sa pamamagitan ng pag-eempleyo sa kanila at pagtatatag ng mga sentro para sa medikal at sikolohikal na rehabilitasyon mula sa pag-abuso sa droga.

Wastong idineklara ni Duterte ang kanyang planong unahin ang agrikultura, edukasyon at kalusugan. Dapat niyang agad na lutasin ang kagyat na mga pangangailangan ng masang anakpawis na manggagawa at magbubukid.

Upang mapaunlad ang agrikultura, hinahamon si Duterte na tugunan ang hinaing para sa tunay na reporma sa lupa na kapwa kagyat na hakbanging pang-ekonomya at para sa katarungang panlipunan. Ang tunay na reporma sa lupa ay ang libreng pamamahagi ng lupa sa mga magsasakang nagbubungkal ng lupa. Ang pekeng reporma sa lupa ng nagdaang 30 taon ay napakabigat na pasanin sa bentahan ng lupa kung saan pinagbayad ang mga magbubukid na dati na nilang nakamit sa matagal na panahon ng pyudal na paghuhuthot.

Dapat kanselahin ni Duterte ang lahat ng di-nabayarang amortisasyon at akuin ang mga utang kung saan ginawang kolateral sa prenda ang mga titulo ng lupa. Maaari siyang makipagtulungan sa mga organisasyon ng masang magbubukid upang magpatupad ng tunay na distribusyon ng lupa sa Hacienda Luisita, gayundin sa Hacienda Dolores at maraming iba pang pyudal na pag-aaring lupain. Maaari niyang agad na ipahinto ang malawakang pagpapalit-gamit ng mga lupang sakahan at pribatisasyon ng pampublikong mga lupain na nagresulta sa malawakang pagpapalayas sa mga magbubukid at pambansang minorya mula sa kanilang mga lupain.

Bilang isang patakarang pang-ekonomya, mapakakawalan ng tunay na reporma sa lupa ang produktibong potensyal ng masang magbubukid bilang mga nagmamay-ari ng lupa at mapalalawak ang pamilihan para sa mga manupaktura.

Ang isang kaugnay na patakaran para sa pambansang industriyalisasyon ay dapat ituon sa mekanisasyon ng agrikultura upang ibunsod ang paglikha at pagproseso ng pagkain upang tiyakin ang sapat na suplay ng mababang presyong bigas, poltri, karne, at gulay. Dapat na palawakin ang mga pasilidad sa irigasyon at laanan ng pondo para sa libreng paggamit ng mga magsasaka.

Idineklara ni Duterte na hindi siya ekonomista at sinabing makikinig siya sa mga eksperto. Sa kasamaang-palad, ang mga sinasabing ekspertong kanyang itatalaga ay mga teknokrata at malalaking negosyanteng nangunguna sa mga neoliberal na patakarang pang-ekonomya at nagsisilbi sa malalaking dayuhang kapitalista, at hindi sa pagtutulak ng lokal na pang-ekonomyang pag-unlad at produksyon. Itinataguyod nila ang ekonomya ng “pag-akit sa dayuhang pamumuhunan” at “pagbawas ng mga restriksyon” na siyang hinahangad ng US at malalaking dayuhang kapitalista.

Sa pagbalangkas ng mga patakarang pang-ekonomya, dapat munang pakinggan ni Duterte ang mga manggagawa’t magsasaka, sa halip na malalaking negosyo at teknokrata na nagtataguyod ng iisang patakarang pang-ekonomyang mahigit kalahating siglo nang bigo. Mapagpasya ito. Ang kabiguang gawin ito ay magpapatunay na sa huli, ang kanyang rehimen ay bahagi lamang ng isang tuluy-tuloy na kaayusang neoliberal.

Para abutin ang mabilis na nagsasariling pang-ekonomyang modernisasyon ng Pilipinas na may balansyado at kaakibat na pagpapaunlad ng mabibigat, katamtaman at magagaan na industriya, dapat na iwaksi ni Duterte ang mga neoliberal na liberalisasyon, pribatisasyon, deregulasyon at denasyunalisasyon na tinahak ng mga nagdaang rehimen. Ang pagsusulong ng reporma sa lupa at pambansang industriyalisasyon ay lilikha ng empleyo at magwawakas sa pangangailangang magkaroon pa ng mga programang pantapal tulad ng conditional cash transfer (4Ps) na nagpapalawig lamang sa pagdarahop ng mamamayan at tumatabing sa pagkabulok ng pampublikong serbisyong panlipunan.

Dapat pagtuunan ng pansin ng rehimeng Duterte ang kahingian ng mga manggagawa at empleyado para sa pambansang minimum na sahod at pagbasura sa wage regionalization. Dapat niyang wakasan ang kontraktwalisasyon at bawiin ang kanyang naunang mga pahayag laban sa mga karapatan ng mga unyon at manggagawa. Kung wala ang kanilang mga unyon, walang pananggol ang mga manggagawa laban sa mga atake sa kanilang mga sahod.

Sa larangan ng edukasyon, hinahamon si Duterte na ibasura ang K-12 program na ginagawang panlahatan ang edukasyong teknikal at vocational upang lumikha ng murang kontraktwal na lakas-paggawa para sa eksport at para sa nakatuon-sa-eksport na mala-manupaktura. Dapat niyang baligtarin ang patakaran ng pagtalikod ng estado sa edukasyon at itaguyod ang patakarang pang-estado na magbigay ng libreng edukasyon para sa lahat.

Maaari niyang isanib ang edukasyon sa nagsasariling pang-ekonomyang modernisasyon sa pamamagitan ng pagtulak sa pananaliksik at pagpapaunlad sa mga larangan ng produksyong agrikultural, paglikha ng enerhiya, pagmanupaktura, teknolohiyang pangkompyuter, mga bagong materyales at iba pa. Upang makapag-iwan ng pangmatagalang pamana ng patriyotismo, dapat niyang ituon ang edukasyon tungo sa isang makabayang pagpapanibago ng kultura sa pamamagitan ng muling pagsusulat ng kasaysayan sa punto de bista ng mamamayang Pilipino sa halip ng kanilang mga kolonyal na mananakop.

Sa larangan ng pampublikong kalusugan, hinahamon si Duterte na ipawalambisa ang patakaran ng pribatisasyon ng mga pampublikong ospital at itaguyod ang patakarang pang-estado na pagbibigay ng libreng pampublikong kalusugan para sa lahat. Maaari niyang tuldukan ang Philhealth na isang palabigasang sistema ng pribadong segurong pangkalusugan. Sa halip, dapat niyang tiyakin na lahat ay nabibigyan ng libreng pangkalusugang atensyon.

Dapat niyang ibigay ang mga batayang serbisyong panlipunan na hinihingi ng mamamayan at baguhin ang pambansang badyet upang maglaan ng sapat na mga pondo para sa edukasyon, kalusugan, pabahay at iba pang mga serbisyo.

Dagdag pa, dapat kanselahin ni Duterte ang mga napaka-kwestyunableng kontrata sa PPP ni Aquino, kabilang na ang MRT Cavite extension, na nagbigay sa mga Ayala, Cojuangco, Cosunji, Pangilinan at iba pang malalaking burgesya kumprador ng di-makatarungang bentahe sa paggamit ng mga pampublikong pondo at mga pautang na ginarantiyahan ng estado at tubong tiniyak ng gubyerno.

Sa larangan ng karapatang-tao, dapat palayain ni Duterte ang halos 600 bilanggong pulitikal, na karamiha’y mga magsasaka at manggagawa, na patuloy na naghihirap sa pagkakakulong at nahaharap sa mga gawa-gawang kaso. Maipapatupad ni Duterte ang kanilang paglaya bilang pagpapataas sa pagsisikap ng kanyang gubyerno na itaguyod ang karapatang-tao at bilang pagtalikod sa pag-endorso sa ala-vigilante na pamamaslang.

Dapat niyang hawanin ang daan sa pagbabalik ng mga bakwit na Lumad sa pamamagitan ng pag-utos na paalisin ang mga nag-ooperasyong tropa ng AFP mula sa kanilang mga paaralan, komunidad at lupain at pahintulutan ang mamamayan na muling buksan ang mga paaralang pinatatakbo ng kanilang mga komunidad. Dapat niyang tugunan ang kahingian ng mamamayang Lumad para sa katarungan at kilalanin ang kanilang komprehensibong mga karapatan bilang pambansang minorya, gayundin ang iba pang grupong minorya.

Dapat siyang magsagawa ng mga hakbangin upang parusahan ang lahat ng tagalabag ng karapatang tao sa nagdaang 30 taon. Dapat niyang ipatigil ang ekstrahudisyal na pagpaslang. Dapat niyang tugunan ang kahingiang wakasan ang sulsol-ng-US na “kontrainsurhensyang” mga operasyong Oplan Bayanihan at ang militarisasyon ng kanayunan.

4. Mga hamon sa mamamayang Pilipino at rebolusyonaryong kilusan

Habang hinaharap ang rehimeng Duterte sa usapang pangkapayapaan at posibleng pakikipag-alyansa para isulong ang pambansa at demokratikong hangarin ng sambayanang Pilipino, walang humpay na isusulong ng mga rebolusyonaryong pwersa ang armadong paglaban ng bayan at mga demokratikong pakikibakang masa. Habang bukas sa pakikipagtulungan at alyansa, dapat walang-hupa ang kanilang pagpuna at paglaban sa lahat ng anti-mamamayan at maka-imperyalistang patakaran at hakbangin. Hindi magkakaroon ng “honeymoon” sa rehimeng Duterte.

Habang nagpakita ng ilang aspetong progresibo ang papasok na presidente ng GRP, mulat din ang mga rebolusyonaryong pwersa na sa pangunahin, siya ay kabilang sa mga pulitikong elite ng naghaharing uri.

Sa nagdaang apat na dekada, pinagsilbihan niya ang sistema bilang burukrata at ipinatupad ang mga batas at patakaran nito. Nakipag-ugnayan siya sa mga dayuhan at lokal na malalaking kapitalista, mga nagmamay-ari ng mga plantasyon at malalaking panginoong maylupa na umaasang makikinabang sa ilalim ng kanyang rehimen. Ang masang manggagawa, magsasaka at manggagawang bukid sa Davao City ay matagal nang nagdurusa sa mapang-api at mapagsamantalang kundisyon sa malalaking plantasyon at negosyong contract-growing na pang-eksport.

Sa inilahad na mga patakaran ni Duterte, wala pa siyang malinaw na paghiwalay sa naghaharing kaisipang neoliberal sa ekonomya na nagdulot ng malalang kahirapan sa mamamayang Pilipino sa nagdaang mahigit tatlong dekada.

Sadyang nakita na sa kasaysayan ng mundo ang paglitaw, sa ilalim ng ilang kundisyon, ng anti-US na mga lider sa mga bansang pinaghaharian ng US. Sa nagdaang ilang taon, sina Hugo Chavez ng Venezuela (1999-2013) at Evo Morales ng Bolivia (2006-kasalukuyan) ay militanteng nanindigan para ipagtanggol ang karapatan ng kanilang bansa sa pagpapasya-sa-sarili.

Sa pagtataguyod ng anti-imperyalismo, nagawa ng kanilang mga gubyerno na palayain ang malaking rekurso tulad ng lupa at langis mula sa dayong kontrol at ilaan ito sa mamamayan sa anyo ng papalaking subsidyo ng estado para sa edukasyon at pampublikong kalusugan. Sa kabilang panig, habang malinaw na nakinabang sa anti-imperyalismo at papalaking rekurso para sa pagbibigay ng serbisyong panlipunan at pang-ekonomya, patuloy na nagdusa ang malawak na masang manggagawa at magsasaka sa pang-aapi at pagsasamantala dahil nanatiling dominante ang dayong malalaking kapitalista at mga panginoong maylupa sa ibang larangan ng ekonomya at kapangyarihang pang-estado .

Ang lumalalang kalagayan ng malakolonyal at mala-pyudal na lipunan, ang lumalalim na tunggaliang paksyunal sa naghaharing uri, ang nagtatagal na resesyon ng US at pagbangon ng China bilang katunggaling imperyalistang kapangyarihan ay kabilang sa mga umiiral na kundisyon kung saan naganap ang pag-usbong ng naiibang pulitikong si Rodrigo Duterte bilang presidente ng GRP.

Taimtim na tinatanaw ng mamamayang Pilipino at kanilang mga rebolusyonaryong pwersa ang posibilidad na mabuo ang alyansa sa rehimeng Duterte sa balangkas ng pambansang pagkakaisa, kapayapaan at kaunlaran. Dito masusubukan si Duterte. Tototohanin ba niya ang kanyang salita at susunggaban ang oportunidad na manindigan laban sa imperyalismong US? O lalabas ba na puro lamang siyang hangin?

Dapat dinggin ni Duterte ang lumalakas na sigaw ng mamamayan para sa lupa, hanapbuhay, dagdag-sahod, libreng edukasyon, pagtatanggol sa soberanya ng Pilipinas laban sa panghihimasok ng US, pagtatanggol sa pambansang patrimonya at pag-unlad at modernisasyon ng ekonomya, at pagwawakas sa korupsyon at kriminalidad sa burukrasya, militar at pulis.

Kung mabigo o tumanggi siyang makinig, magiging isa lamang siyang anomalya ng kasaysayan at matutulad sa kinauwian ng rehimeng Estrada.

Handang-handa ang mamamayang Pilipino na paigtingin ang digmang bayan at isulong ang rebolusyon at mga pakikibakang masa para paalingawngawin ang kanilang mga demokratikong kahilingan.

Dapat patuloy na ipatupad ng Bagong Hukbong Bayan ang mga tungkuling itinakda ng Komite Sentral ng PKP na paigtingin ang digmang bayan sa pamamagitan ng paglulunsad ng mas maraming taktikal na opensiba at pagsamsam ng mas maraming sandata mula sa kaaway.

Tangan ang estratehiko at makasaysayang punto-de-bista, batid ng proletaryong Pilipino na sa pamamagitan lamang ng demokratikong rebolusyong bayan na mapagpasya at puspusang mawawakasan ang paghahari ng mga imperyalista, malalaking burgesyang komprador at panginoong maylupa sa pamamagitan ng pagbabagsak sa kanilang armadong estado.

Sa pagpapaigting ng kanilang mga pakikibaka, tiyak na makakamit ng mamamayang Pilipino ang higit na malalaking tagumpay sa mga darating na taon. Nakatakdang sumulong ang digmang bayan sa ilalim ng rehimeng Duterte.