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Duterte kills GRP-NDFP peace negotiations, prods the people to intensify armed revolution

By Jose Maria Sison
NDFP Chief Political Consultant
April 17, 2019

In the experience of the National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) in negotiating with the Government of the Republic of the Philippines (GRP), the reactionary pro-US military officers at the highest level have always interfered to stop the peace negotiations for the following reasons:

1. that the GRP negotiating panel cannot obtain the surrender of the armed revolutionary movement of the people through a protracted and indefinite ceasefire and 2. that the NDFP negotiating panel is gaining credit for pushing social, economic and political reforms to address the roots of the armed conflict.

Since The Hague Joint Declaration of September 1, 1992, the reactionary diehards in the military have always acted to shorten the peace negotiations under every GRP administration whenever the NDFP rebuffs their precondition for the surrender of the New People’s Army and their maneuvers to block the negotiations of social and economic reforms.

The reactionaries facilely and deceptively say that the GRP-NDFP peace negotiations have been running for 27 years since 1992. But in fact, under every administration from the Ramos regime to the current Duterte regime , peace negotiations are held only for a few months before the reactionary military diehards intervene to pressure their commander-in-chief to slow down or to declare the suspension or termination of the peace negotiations.

Under the pressure of the military, Duterte has terminated and practically killed the peace negotiations since he issued Proclamation 360 on November 23, 2017. And he has proceeded to drive more nails into the coffin of the GRP-NDFP peace negotiations.

He has rendered peace negotiations impossible between the official panels of the GRP and NDFP that are duly authorized by their respective principals. While Duterte is in power, there will be no peace negotiations between the GRP and the NDFP because of the following:

1. Duterte has formally terminated the peace negotiations with the NDFP with Proclamation 360.

2. He has designated the CPP and the NPA as terrorist.

3. He has rejected the substantive agenda of the peace negotiations stipulated by The Hague Joint Declaration and the Joint Agreement on the Sequence, Formation and Operationalization of the Reciprocal Working Committees.

4. He has wantonly violated the safety and immunity guarantees under the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG) by ordering the arrest of NDFP consultants and their murder if there are no witnesses, as in the case of Randy Malayao.

5. He has unilaterally scrapped the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law and has dismantled the GRP section of the Joint Monitoring Committee.

6. He has unleashed his military and police dogs to red-tag, frame up and kill at will social activists and suspected revolutionaries in his all-out war and pursuit of fascist dictatorship.

In view of the foregoing, there can be no genuine peace negotiations between the GRP and the NDFP while Duterte remains in power.

The so-called localized peace negotiations are patently false. No one would ever be authorized by the NDFP National Council to negotiate with the GRP or its military under conditions completely under the control of the murderous Duterte regime. And no revolutionary in his right senses would ever surrender himself to the brutal and corrupt enemy.

The CPP, NPA and NDFP are highly centralized and have a collective style of decision-making and working. No individual or part of these organizations would ever fall for a trap like the fake localized peace talks under the control and manipulation of a rapacious and bloodthirsty enemy.

It is obvious to the Filipino people and their revolutionary forces that they have no choice but to concentrate on intensifying the people’s war for a people’s democratic revolution. In fact, no reactionary regime after the Duterte regime would ever be interested in negotiating peace with them unless they intensify the people’s war and win ever greater victories.

It is actually favorable to the Filipino people and their revolutionary forces to be confronted by a tyrannical, treasonous, murderous, corrupt, and swindling Duterte regime as in the time of the fascist dictator Marcos. It is far easier to fight and win victories against a regime that makes no pretenses about being patriotic and democratic than against previous regimes that had patriotic and democratic pretenses.

While there are no GRP-NDFP peace negotiations, for as long as Duterte is in power, I find it more useful and worthwhile to concentrate on exposing the crimes of Duterte and demanding the end of his regime without being distracted by back channel talks and flip-flops by the mentally, politically and morally deranged Duterte.

As I indicated before, I am happy to have more time to do research on Philippine and global issues, write and publish my books and articles and engage in more study meetings with Filipinos and their solidarity friends in the anti-imperialist and democratic struggle.

There is a rising interest in the revolutionary resistance of the Filipino people for national and social liberation because of the flagrantly antipeople, antinational and antidemocratic character of the Duterte regime. The peoples and revolutionary forces of the world expect the Filipino people and their revolutionary forces to fight and defeat the tyrannical regime of Duterte. ###

NDFP and the Filipino people must be alert to Duterte’s militarism in the name of peace

Press Statement by Jose Maria Sison
NDFP Chief Political Consultant
April 14, 2019

The National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) and the Filipino people should be alert to Duterte’s militarist purposes in announcing that he wishes to reopen the peace talks with the use of a militarized negotiating panel under the militarized office of the presidential adviser, General Galvez.

The NDFP does not want to be baited into accepting a war panel of the Duterte regime whose purpose is merely to seek the impossible, such as the surrender of the revolutionary forces, especially the New People’s Army.

Duterte must first answer the following prejudicial questions: 

1. Why did he terminate the peace negotiations and annul all agreements painstakingly made since the The Hague Joint Declaration of 1992?

2. Why did he terminate and dismantle the GRP section of the Joint Monitoring Committee formed under the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Humans Rights and International Humanitarian Law?

The NDFP must remind Duterte that he cannot dictate the terms of whatever kind of negotiations he seeks from the revolutionary movement pf the people. 

By all indications, Duterte is merely play-acting in the name of peace while carrying out an all-out war and scheming to rig the May 2019 elections in order to pave the way for a fascist dictatorship through charter change to a bogus federalism. ###

Duterte prepares to rig the May 13 elections with propaganda and secret orders

Press Statement by Jose Maria Sison
NDFP Chief Political Consultant
April 13, 2019

In a full month before the May 13, 2019 elections, we can expect an avalanche of propaganda from the Duterte regime to conjure the illusion of Duterte’s perpetual popularity, foretell the “victory” of its senatorial and local executive candidates and cover his secret orders to the Commission on Elections and the military to rig the elections. 

The propaganda drive of the regime to spread lies involves the frenzied use of government agencies and resources, paid opinion poll surveys, red-tagging of opposition candidates and parties, planted news stories and columns, TV and radio broadcasts, the troll armies in the social media, tarpaulins and posters, herded paid crowds, and so on.

The Duterte regime is overspending public and private resources and over-exerting itself in trying to create the false illusion of popular support in order to pave the way for election rigging in favor of the regime’s candidates and for the charter change to a bogus kind of federalism by which absolute powers are concentrated in the hands of Duterte as fascist dictator on top of his regional and provincial agents among his fellow oligarchs, dynasts and warlords.

The Duterte ruling clique intends to draw attention away from the widespread indignation of the people over the regime’s tyrannical, treasonous, mass murdering, plundering and inflationary policies and acts; and to overshadow the groundswell of support for the opposition candidates from Catholic and other Christian voters, the patriotic and progressive organizations and other people offended by the crimes of the regime.

The broad united front of patriotic and progressive forces and all other opposition forces are therefore challenged to do do their best to arouse, organize and mobilize the broad masses of the people for the electoral struggle to defeat the anti-national and anti-democratic Duterte regime and make evident their victory with far larger electoral rallies and mass protest actions than the meetings of the paid and herded crowds of the regime.

Unless he steps back from his evil scheme to rig the elections and ensure charter change to bogus federalism, Duterte unwittingly prepares for his overthrow in the same manner that Marcos was overthrown by urban mass uprising after his fake electoral victory in 1986 or creates the combustible conditions for an unprecedented nationwide intensification of people’s war to counter the escalation of fascist attacks on the people.###

Duterte is mortally afraid of the New People’s Army as he steps up the mass murder of unarmed people

Press Statement by Jose Maria Sison, NDFP Chief Political Consultant

If Duterte and his armed minions were to be believed, the New People’s Army no longer exists because it has been supposedly decimated several times over by fake surrenders and fake encounters. 

The more Duterte presents himself as a victorious conqueror, the more he exposes his frustration and cowardice by speaking to the public only behind a thick bullet-proof glass. His false claims of victory are belied by the NPA’s intensifying offensives on a nationwide scale.

In fact, he has been most successful at ordering his death squads to kill unarmed social activists, including priests, journalists, teachers, health workers, lawyers, and human rights advocates. He has ordered his armed minions to arrest and plant evidence on NDFP consultants and to kill them if there are no witnesses as in the case of Randy Malayao.

He has extended the methods of Oplan Tokhang to Oplan Kapayapaan by red-tagging, framing up, and murdering an increasing number of victims who are opposed to his regime. He has publicly expressed contempt for human rights so many times.

He has also excelled at using his armed forces to bomb and displace rural communities of indigenous peoples and peasants to make way for socially and environmentally destructive enterprises such as open pit mining, logging, monocrop plantations and casino islands by foreign and local corporations from which he receives huge amounts of bribe.

The bloodbath that the sociopath Duterte masterminds has become so wanton and massive that he is worried to death that the day of reckoning for him is fast coming. He cannot deny that the tactical offensives of the NPA have become more effective than ever before on a nationwide scale.

He estimates that the NPA has the capability to go after him to exact justice for his grave crimes of mass murder, tyranny, treason, and corruption. Obviously, he is mortally afraid that the NPA intends to apprehend, try, and punish him for his grave crimes. 

He has long been afraid of traveling by road even in his own region. He can only use the helicopter to hop from one military camp to another whenever he wants an audience in order to rant against his critics and boast of his penis and dish out vulgarities and trivialities.

Despite the Duterte regime’s psywar that it is about to destroy the revolutionary movement, the Communist Party of the Philippines, the NPA, the revolutionary mass organizations, the NDFP and the rural-based people’s democratic government are growing stronger precisely because of the tyrannical, treasonous, brutal and corrupt character of this regime.

It is reasonable for the people to expect the NPA to seek the punishment of Duterte for heinous crimes. But entities other than the NPA are also eager to punish him. These include the relatives and friends of his murder victims and the military and police officers and their personnel who are offended by his criminal misuse of the military and the police.

Both active and retired military and police officers, for either patriotic or pro-US reasons, are becoming increasingly vocal against Duterte’s sell out of the country’s sovereign rights to China and his crimes of mass murder and plunder and are preparing themselves for Duterte’s day of reckoning upon the people’s uprising as in the overthrow of Marcos in 1986. ###

Quick response to Duterte’s threats to suspend writ of habeas corpus and declare revolutionary war

By Jose Maria Sison
NDFP Chief Political Consultant
April 5, 2019

Duterte cannot engage in a revolutionary war because he is a counterrevolutionary agent of foreign monopoly capitalists, big compradors and big landlords.  He is a bureaucrat capitalist of the worst kind.  

He should not misappropriate and besmirch the noble calling of revolutionary. He is a tyrant, traitor, plunderer and mass murderer hell-bent on imposing a fascist dictatorship on the Filipino people through charter change to a bogus kind of federalism.

He is already engaged in de facto martial law nationwide and in the de facto  suspension of the writ of habeas corpus. He is increasingly engaged in mass intimidation, mass arrests and mass murders.The people are therefore already rising up against his reign of greed and terror. 

If he formally proclaims the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus or even martial law nationwide, he will only succeed in further enraging the people and inciting them to wage all forms of revolutionary resistance. The real revolutionary war  is against his ongoing counterrevolutionary war.

Related news: Duterte threatens to suspend writ of habeas corpus, declare ‘revolutionary war’

Treason and corruption of Duterte and gang at two levels of transactions with China

By Prof. Jose Maria Sison
NDFP Chiefl Political Consultant
April 4, 2019

The petitioners headed by Makabayan Chairman Neri J. Colmenares are correct and praiseworthy in asking the Supreme Court to declare the US$62,086,837.82 Preferential Buyer’s Credit Loan Agreement on the Chico River Pump Irrigation Project, identified under No. 1420103052018210863 CHINA EXIMBANK PBC 2018 NO. 11 TOTAL NO. 468, as unconstitutional, illegal and void.

As urgent relief , they also ask the Supreme Court to issue a Temporary Restraining Order (TRO) and/or Writ of Preliminary Injunction, to enjoin Respondents from enforcing the loan agreement. The respondents are Pres. Rodrigo R. Duterte, Exec. Sec. Salvador C. Medialdea, DOF Sec. Carlos G. Dominguez III, NEDA Sec. Ernesto M. Pernia, DOJ Sec. Menardo I. Guevarra, NIA Administrator Ricardo R. Visaya.

The petitioners point out that the assailed loan agreement and subsequent implementation thereof violate the Constitution and are, therefore, void because:

  1. It contains a Confidentiality Clause violative of the 1987 Constitution that provides for the right to information of the Filipino people on foreign loans contracted by the government (Sec. XII, Sec. 21 and 22; Art. II, Sec. 28; Art. III, Sec. 7);
  2. It was approved after-the-fact by the Monetary Board which is not in conformity with the 1987 Constitution that requires prior concurrence (Art. VII, Sec. 20; Art. XII, Sec. 21);
  3. It is conditioned on the signing of a contractor’s agreement awarding the project to a Chinese construction firm and, thereby, doing away with the country’s procurement laws and the Filipino First Policy of the 1987 Constitution (Art. XII, Sec. 10; Procurement Reform Act R.A. No. 9184; Official Development Assistance Act R.A. No. 8182);
  4. It hauls the country to a Chinese arbitration tribunal, officiated by Chinese arbitrators using Chinese laws, in violation of Art. II, Sec. 7 of the Constitution;
  5. It contains an express waiver of sovereign immunity over the State’s patrimonial assets in favor of a foreign government in violation of the Constitution (Art. XII, Sec. 7; Art. II, Sec. 7; Art. XII, Sec. 2).

The unconstitutional and illegal character of the loan agreement and the implementation thereof amount to brazen treason, involving the gross violation of national sovereignty and the national patrimony. The loan agreement also reeks of corruption of the grossest kind because the project is overpriced and the interest on the loan is excessively high in comparison to offers from other countries.

Duterte and his ruling clique are not ashamed of committing obvious treason and corruption because they are carried away by their greed for commissions and other forms of payoff. According to reliable sources, these commissions have been advanced indirectly through the loans extended by Chinese banks to Duterte dummy, Dennis Uy, who has been buying up major Philippine assets to the tune of 80 billion Php as of the last report a year ago.

The Duterte family and traitor gang have been benefiting from relations with China at the two levels of official transactions with the Chinese state and criminal transactions with Chinese triads involved in the smuggling of drugs, rice and other goods to the Philippines. The criminal transactions started as early as when Duterte was still mayor and connived with the Chinese triads in using Davao City as a major smuggling point. ###

The Filipino people’s revolutionary armed struggle for national and social liberation in the past 50 years

1969 – 1977 | 1978 – 1991 | 1992 – 2001 | 2002 – 2019 | Prospects

By Jose Maria Sison
Founding Chairman, Communist party of the Philippines
March 31, 2019

Dear Comrades and Friends,

Thank you for giving me the honor and privilege of delivering the keynote to A Tapestry of People’s Resistance, the second part of the celebration of 50 years of revolutionary arts and culture in the Filipino people’s struggle for national and social liberation which was successfully held last December 29, 2018 in Utrecht, the Netherlands.

By way of giving a background to the celebration today, let me give you a quick review of the history of the Filipino people’s revolutionary armed struggle in the last 50 years. My focus is the development of the New People’s Army (NPA) under the leadership of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) in a brief historical narrative of five segments, including the prospects as the last segment.

1. Foundational Years, 1969 – 1977

The Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Philippines conceived of the New People’s Army as the main instrument for overthrowing the semicolonial and semifeudal ruling system through protracted people’s war in accordance with the people’s democratic revolution against US imperialism and the local exploiting classes of big compradors and landlords.

The New People’s Army was founded by the CPP in Barrio Sta. Rita, Capas, Tarlac on March 29, 1969. It started with only 9 rifles and 26 inferior firearms for 60 Red fighters consisting of those from the old people’s army and the new recruits from Manila and Isabela who were previously given politico-military training. 

From 1969 to 1971, the revolutionary armed struggle developed in Tarlac, combining guerrilla tactical offensives and mass work and bringing about the level of NPA armed strength to more than 200 automatic rifles that were seized from the enemy forces through ambushes and raids.

When the CPP central leadership shifted to Isabela from late 1970 to 1972, the NPA started with only 20 automatic rifles and these increased to more than 300 by 1974. Hundreds of CPP cadres were given politico-military training for expansion to new areas in various regions. These cadres were subsequently dispatched to provinces in Cagayan Valley, Ilocos-Montañosa-Pangasinan, Central Luzon, Southern Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao. 

More expansion cadres became available after the 1971 suspension of the writ of habeas corpus and then the 1972 proclamation of martial law because the urban-based mass activists who were in danger of being arrested joined the NPA. Still a great number of underground cadres under the CPP General Secretariat were dispatched to various regions in 1974. The nationwide expansion of the CPP and NPA was facilitated by Kabataang Makabayan, trade unions and peasant associations.

As early as 1972, CPP regional committees and NPA regional operational commands were already established in Cagayan Valley, IMP, Central Luzon, Southern Luzon, Eastern Visayas, Central Visayas, Western Visayas and Mindanao. And in 1976, the Mindanao regional Party Committee began to form several NPA regional operational commands. 

In the foundational years from 1969 to 1977, the focus of the most frequent and most successful tactical offensives shifted from one region to another, depending on the successful mass work and the daring of the Red commanders and fighters. From 1969 to 1971, the focus was Tarlac; from 1972 to 1975, it was Isabela, Ifugao, Quezon, Camarines Sur, Albay, Sorsogon, Negros and Panay provinces; from 1975 to 1977, it was Samar and several provinces in Mindanao. 

The NPA armed strength had reached the level of 1500 automatic rifles as of 1977. However the NPA in Isabela stagnated and weakened because of the error of staying too long in the unpopulated forest region until 1976, despite the order of the central leadership in 1974 for shifting the NPA companies to Cagayan province. But the isolation of the NPA in Isabela forest region was countervailed by its growth elsewhere in Cagayan Valley, Northern Luzon and in the entire country.

2. Further Growth and Major Errors, 1978-1991

The strong foundation laid in the years 1969-77 and the preponderance of CPP and NPA rank and file who adhered to the theory and practice of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, the general line of people’s democratic revolution and the organizational discipline of democratic centralism corresponded to the worsening socio-economic and political crisis of the ruling system and made possible the further growth of the NPA to 3000 automatic rifles in 1981 and then to 5,600 automatic rifles in 1985.

The CPP central leadership ensured that whenever certain weaker regions needed support and assistance in terms or cadres and arms, they would get such from the stronger regions. After the NPA forces in Eastern Visayas grew strong from 1976 to 1979, the Party redeployed many of its cadres, fighters and arms to Negros and Mindanao in 1979. But the NPA in every region was always urged to practice self-reliance and grow through struggle.

The most outstanding regions in the frequency and success of tactical offensives from 1981 onward were Eastern Visayas, Mindanao, Negros, Northern Luzon, Bicol and Central Luzon. The most effective formations in combat were companies or platoons augmented by armed propaganda teams and led by commanders who were excellent at planning and were daring.

The NPA forces in the regions of Eastern Visayas, Bicol, Southern Tagalog and Cagayan Valley had a good balance of relatively concentrated force (vertical) and relatively dispersed forces (horizontal) as well as good balance between offensive capability, armed force and mass base. The Party, the mass organizations and the organs of political power assumed much of the work load of the NPA units to enable these to gain more time and opportunities for launching tactical offensives.

From 1981 to 1985, the NPA in Mindanao scored the most and biggest victories in tactical offensives because it tried to build companies rapidly from three to 16 companies. But the rapid formation of the companies and the premature verticalization of forces were done at the expense of paying attention to mass work and strengthening the mass base. The “Left” opportunist error resulted in adverse consequences.

The CC Plenum in 1985 noted that the nationwide NPA armed strength reached the level of 5,600 automatic rifles in 1985 and further increased to 6,100 automatic rifles in 1986 and still further increased by some hundreds in 1987. NPA nationwide armed strength increased because of the correct line, competence, courage and high sense of self-sacrifice and service to the people of the CPP cadres and members and the Red fighters and commanders and by the accelerated deterioration of social conditions and the rising tide of the people’s struggle against the Marcos fascist dictatorship. 

The victories were achieved despite the emergence of wrong ideas and major errors in the CPP central leadership and in certain regional Party committees. In 1979 there arose the notion in the CC of the CPP that the people’s war was already in the advanced phase. This led to the further notion that the “stage of strategic counter-offensive” was in the offing.
This notion had no basis in reality and was not realized but encouraged various “Left”opportunist currents of thinking about short-cuts to final victory.

As early as 1981, the subjective notion circulated among certain CC members that the Marcos fascist dictatorship had succeeded in making the Philippines an industrial capitalist country. It gave rise to the Right opportunist and “Left” opportunist currents. 

3. Rectification and Revitalization, 1992-2001

The Second Great Rectification Movement (SGRM) from 1992 to 1998 saved the CPP, the NPA and the entire revolutionary movement from possible self-disintegration or destruction in the hands of the enemy. The Right and “Left” opportunists were in CPP key positions and were using these to undermine and attack Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and the general line of people’s democratic revolution.

The Right opportunists prated about “popular democracy” to attack the leading role of the proletariat and the CPP in the revolution. They blamed the line of protracted people’s war for the supposed failure to be part of the ascendance of the Aquino regime over the Marcos fascist dictatorship. They spouted Gorbachoviste Trotskyite, bourgeois-liberal and other petty-bourgeois currents of thinking.

The “Left” opportunists, especially the most vocal urban insurrectionists, also blamed the strategic line of protracted people’s war for the supposed failure of the NPA to take power or get a significant share of this before the Aquino party took complete power. 

Prior to the launch of the SGRM in 1992, the central leadership had already succeeded in acting against the “Left” opportunist errors and the anti-DPA witch hunts in one region after another. But the SGRM still had to be launched and carried out in order to criticize, repudiate and rectify the errors comprehensively and thoroughly through a movement of ideological and political education. Otherwise, errors could persist to undermine and destroy the Party.

From 1994 to 1998, the forces in Mindanao were able to recover most of the armed strength and mass base that had been lost during the second half of the 1980s. They were able to retain some of the NPA companies in certain guerrilla fronts by a well-balanced correlation of relatively concentrated force for effectiveness in tactical offensives and relatively dispersed force to ensure a sufficiently wide and deep mass base. By 1998, the First Bagani Company had the honor of capturing a brigadier general in the field. 

The recovery and revitalization of the NPA occurred in various regions previously afflicted by “Left” opportunism. The NPA level of strength in 1998 exceeded the level before 1992, There were more than 110 guerrilla fronts nationwide, mostly with platoons rather than companies as the total force per front.

In the National Capital Region, the forces of the national democratic movement grew strong to the extent of generating mass protest actions that ultimately forced Estrada to flee the presidential palace and in effect resign his position. This was a crowning victory of the SGRM.

4. Growth, Conservatism and Upsurge, 2002 – 2019

This period covers the regimes of Arroyo, Aquino and Duterte which launched fierce attacks on the NPA and the entire revolutionary movement. The NPA has frustrated all the strategic operational plans aimed at destroying it. It has preserved and increased its strength despite the strategic offensives of the enemy, such as the Oplan Bantay Laya of Arroyo, Bayanihan of Aquino and Kapayapaan of Duterte.

As a result of the SGRM, NPA armed strength in high-powered rifles continued to grow and peaked in 2005 to a level surpassing the earlier 1987 peak by a few hundreds. It was a four percent growth from the 2002 level. However, from 2005, NPA strength dropped by 21.6% over the course of the next four years until 2009. 

The NPA armed strength in automatic rifles increased again but by only a few hundreds or around 11% accumulated growth in the next seven years, 2009-2016 but remained below the 12.6% below the 2006 peak. The NPA strength further grew by 9% in the second half of 2016 but remained at 4% below the 2005 peak From end 2016 to August 2017, the NPA grew more than 8% and surpassed the previous 2005 peak by three per cent.

Despite the all-out war of the Duterte regime from its continuation of Aquino’s Bayanihan to its adoption of its owned US-designed Oplan Kapayapaan, the NPA is growing in strength. The NPA in Mindanao remains the most outstanding in people’s war notwithstanding the prolonged imposition of martial law in the region and the wanton use of bombings and extrajudicial killings to suppress the armed revolution.

The CPP was able to hold its Second Congress successfully. It was able to identify the error of conservatism and over dispersal of small NPA units over a wide area as the principal error that has caused the stagnation and erosion of NPA and mass strength in Luzon and the Visayas. It is an error diametrically opposite the error of “Left” opportunism that had emerged in the years 1981-83 and grew in various regions until 1992.

The error starts with the good motivation of widening and deepening the mass base and developing all political prerequisites. And the erroneous tendency has been to over-disperse small units for mass work and neglect the main NPA task, which is to launch tactical offensives in order to seize weapons from the enemy and strengthen the NPA. 

The force deployment with no relatively concentrated force for launching tactical offensives, and with the over-dispersal of small NPA units results in roving or floating units that are easy prey to the enemy and vulnerable to being put in purely defensive actions. Conservatism amounts to abstinence from tactical offensives, which has played into the enemy campaign plans like those of Oplan Bantay Laya of the Arroyo regime, during which the NPA suffered a decrease in strength from 2005.

At first, the NPA in Mindanao had difficulties of countering enemy offensives under Oplan Bantay Laya and then Bayanihan. But eventually they were able to prevail against the enemy with the effective use of the basic tactics of guerrilla warfare and master the art and science of the tactics of counter encirclement against the enemy encirclement that were bigger but had wider gaps. The Red commanders and fighters had the wisdom to avail of a combination of mass base and rough terrain and the daring to launch tactical offensives against every enemy weak point.

5. Prospects of the NPA

The current 5-year plan (2017-2021) of the Central Committee aims to carry forward the antifascist, antifeudal and anti-imperialist movement and overthrow the ruling US-Duterte fascist and reactionary regime, and bring the protracted people’s war to the advanced phase of the strategic defensive, in order to reach the threshold of the strategic stalemate. 

The program calls for intensifying anti-fascist agitation, propaganda, organizational work and mobilization in the face of widespread killings and other atrocities of state terrorism, and schemes to establish a fascist dictatorship. Building the broadest united front and mobilizing the people in their millions is the key to defeating the fascist regime. 

First, the program calls for resolving the imbalance of strength, spread and advance of guerrilla warfare between the relatively more advanced regions in Mindanao and those in Luzon and Visayas, and attain effective cooperation and coordination in advancing guerrilla warfare nationwide. The program seeks to develop 7-10 advanced regions, each with more or less 2,000 full-time Red fighters spread throughout Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao. 

Secondly, it calls on the advanced regions to develop subregions with three to five interlocking company-sized guerrilla fronts, to serve as anchors and rallying points for interregional and national advance. The program estimates that we can effectively combat the sustained large-scale enemy operations in the advanced subregions with one or two full or undersized companies with nine to fifteen horizontal platoons in interlocking or adjacent guerrilla fronts, in addition to units of the people’s militias spread over several hundred villages. 

Thirdly, the program aims to strengthen the NPA several times over and raise its capability in annihilating enemy teams and squads, and later, platoons. Every region and subregion must have a company as vertical force following the ratio of one vertical company to every nine horizontal platoons (or 1:3). There must be recruitment campaigns to increase the NPA guerrilla units and people’s militia units and campaigns to generate material and other forms of support. 

The NPA must be strengthened through ideological building, strengthening absolute Party leadership, systematic politico-military training and raising its combat capability, in terms of weaponry and technique, active political work to raise the political consciousness, the will to fight and offensive spirit of the Red fighters, strengthen their iron discipline and their close links with the masses. 

It calls for building the NPA operational command at the national level down to the subregional level to develop planning, coordination and leadership of the NPA work. It also calls for the recruitment of cadres from workers and the educated youth and for developing, training and promotion of military cadres. It calls for further expansion and training of units of people’s militias, self-defense units of mass organizations to develop their capability in waging mass guerrilla warfare. It calls for building partisan units. 

Fourthly, the program calls for intensifying guerrilla warfare nationwide and waging all-out resistance against the enemy’s all-out war, gradual constriction and win-hold-win and TRIAD campaigns. It calls for carrying out annihilative basic tactical offensives to deliver solid blows against the enemy, punish the worst fascist criminals, weaken the enemy, seize its weapons, strengthen the people’s army, advance the masses’ antifeudal and other struggles and expand the democratic people’s power. 

The program calls for firmly opposing military conservatism and repudiating the wrong ideas that bring about such weaknesses such as overestimating the strength of the enemy and underestimating the strength of the people and their army; fear of sacrifices and aspiring for comforts and failure to grasp the crucial necessity of intensifying guerrilla warfare in advancing other military and political tasks, locally and in general; lack of attention of leading Party committees on military work; overconfidence, passivity, over-dispersal of forces and so on. The program calls for maximizing NPA armed strength and its deep and wide mass support it enjoys in order to deliver bigger and more frequent blows against the enemy. 

The NPA has already spread nationwide and is deeply rooted among the toiling masses. It occupies most of the terrains favorable for guerrilla warfare. It takes full advantage of the strategic line of encircling the cities from the countryside as well as orchestrating tactical offensives in an archipelago according to the principle of centralized leadership and decentralized operations. The NPA is now in a position to deliver lethal blows to the enemy forces anywhere in the archipelago and thereby raise the level of its armed strength. 

The Filipino people and all their revolutionary forces are confident that they will make great strides towards total victory in the revolutionary war for the people’s democratic revolution because they are gaining political and armed strength as the crisis of both the semicolonial and semifeudal ruling system and that of the world capitalist system are simultaneously worsening at an accelerated rate. 

The inter-imperialist contradictions are sharpening and resulting in worse forms of exploitation and oppression, unprecedented crisis of global proportions, widespread state terrorism and wars of aggression. These are signals for the further rise and eventual victory of the people’s democratic revolution in the Philippines and the resurgence of the anti-imperialist movements and the world proletarian revolution.###

The Filipino people’s revolutionary armed struggle for national and social liberation in the past 50 years

By Jose Maria Sison
Founding Chairman
Communist Party of the Philippines
March 29, 2019

Let me do a quick review of the Filipino people’s revolutionary struggle for national and social liberation in the past 50 years. My focus is on the development of the New People’s Army (NPA) under the leadership of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) in a brief historical narrative of five segments, including the prospects as the last segment.

1. Foundational Years, 1969 – 1977

The Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Philippines conceived of the New People’s Army as the main instrument for overthrowing the semicolonial and semifeudal ruling system through protracted people’s war in accordance with the people’s democratic revolution against US imperialism and the local exploiting classes of big compradors and landlords.

The New People’s Army was founded by the CPP in Barrio Sta. Rita, Capas, Tarlac on March 29, 1969. It started with only 9 rifles and 26 inferior firearms for 60 Red fighters consisting of those from the old people’s army and the new recruits from Manila and Isabela who were previously given politico-military training.

The recruits from Manila were CPP and Kabataang Makabayan members who came from various regions and were intended to form the NPA in their respective regions after serving in Tarlac. The recruits from Isabela were given priority for dispatch to their province for the purpose of CPP and NPA expansion. They were provided with a senior cadre who had long experience in armed struggle and mass work in Central Luzon.

The years 1969 to 1977 may be considered as the foundational years of the NPA. They were years of ideological study for those CPP cadres assigned to the NPA, political-military training for the Red commanders and fighters and deployment of expansion teams to various regions under the direction of the CPP Central Committee.

The NPA National Operational Command was formed under the Military Commission of the Party Central Committee. The following departments were slated to be formed: political education, planning, personnel and training, intelligence, military operations, production, logistics, ordnance and medical.

The Regional Operational Commands were also to be formed under the leadership of the Regional Party Committees. Provincial and district operational commands were also slated to be formed by the leading Party territorial committees concerned.

The NPA became trained and experienced in waging guerrilla warfare and doing mass work, which included mass education, mass organizing, land reform and production, health and sanitation, cultural work, people’s self-defense, arbitration and justice, disaster relief and protection of the environment.

From 1969 to 1971, the revolutionary armed struggle developed in Tarlac, combining guerrilla tactical offensives and mass work and bringing about the level of NPA armed strength to more than 200 automatic rifles that were seized from the enemy forces through ambushes and raids.

When the CPP central leadership shifted to Isabela from late 1970 to 1972, the NPA started with only 20 automatic rifles and these increased to more than 300 by 1974. Hundreds of CPP cadres were given politico-military training for expansion to new areas in various regions. These cadres were subsequently dispatched to provinces in Cagayan Valley, Ilocos-Montañosa-Pangasinan, Central Luzon, Southern Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao.

More expansion cadres became available after the 1971 suspension of the writ of habeas corpus and then the 1972 proclamation of martial law because the urban-based mass activists who were in danger of being arrested joined the NPA. Still a great number of underground cadres under the CPP General Secretariat were dispatched to various regions in 1974. The nationwide expansion of the CPP and NPA was facilitated by Kabataang Makabayan, trade unions and peasant associations.

As early as 1972, CPP regional committees and NPA regional operational commands were already established in Cagayan Valley, IMP, Central Luzon, Southern Luzon, Eastern Visayas, Central Visayas, Western Visayas and Mindanao. In subsequent years, NPA regional operational commands arose in Cagayan Valley, Cordillera and Ilocos, Southern Luzon, Western Visayas, Central Visayas and Eastern Visayas. And in 1976, the Mindanao regional Party Committee began to form several NPA regional operational commands.

In the foundational years from 1969 to 1977, the focus of the most frequent and most successful tactical offensives shifted from one region to another, depending on the successful mass work and the daring of the Red commanders and fighters. From 1969 to 1971, the focus was Tarlac; from 1972 to 1975, it was Isabela, Ifugao, Quirino, Aurora, Pampanga, Bataan, Quezon, Camarines Sur, Albay, Sorsogon, Negros and Panay provinces; and from 1975 to 1977, it was Samar and several provinces in Mindanao.

The NPA armed strength had reached the level of 1500 automatic rifles as of 1977. However the NPA in Isabela stagnated and weakened because of the error of staying too long in the unpopulated forest region from 1974 to 1976, despite the order of the central leadership to the regional Party committee in 1974 for shifting the NPA companies to Cagayan province. But the containment of the NPA in Isabela was countervailed by its growth elsewhere in Cagayan Valley, Northern Luzon and in the entire country.

2. Further Growth and Major Errors, 1978-1991

The strong foundation laid in the years 1969-77 and the preponderance of CPP and NPA rank and file who adhered to the theory and practice of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, the general line of people’s democratic revolution and the organizational discipline of democratic centralism corresponded to the worsening socioeconomic and political crisis of the ruling system and made possible the further growth of the NPA to 3000 automatic rifles in 1981 and then to 5,600 automatic rifles in 1985.

The CPP central leadership ensured that whenever certain weaker regions needed support and assistance in terms or cadres and arms, they would get such from the stronger regions. After the NPA forces in Eastern Visayas grew strong from 1976 to 1979, the Party redeployed many of its cadres, fighters and arms to Negros and Mindanao in 1979. But the NPA in every region was always urged to practice self-reliance and grow through struggle.

The most outstanding regions in the frequency and success of tactical offensives from 1981 onward were Eastern Visayas, Mindanao, Negros, Northern Luzon, Bicol and Central Luzon. The most effective formations in combat were companies or platoons augmented by armed propaganda teams and led by commanders who were excellent at planning and were daring.

The NPA forces in the regions of Eastern Visayas, Bicol, Southern Tagalog and Cagayan Valley had a good balance of relatively concentrated force (vertical) and relatively dispersed forces (horizontal). This also meant a good balance between offensive capability and mass base. The Party, the mass organizations and the organs of political power assumed much of the work load of the NPA units to enable these to gain more time and opportunities for launching tactical offensives.

From 1981 to 1985, the NPA in Mindanao scored the most and biggest victories in tactical offensives as it increased the number of companies to five. But the further rapid formation of ten more companies and the premature verticalization of forces were done at the expense of paying attention to mass work and strengthening the mass base. The “Left” opportunist error resulted in adverse consequences.

The CC Plenum in 1985 noted that the nationwide NPA armed strength reached the level of 5,600 automatic rifles in 1985 and further increased to 6,100 automatic rifles in 1986 and still further increased by some hundreds in 1987. NPA nationwide armed strength increased because of the correct line, competence, courage and high sense of self-sacrifice and service to the people of the CPP cadres and members and the Red fighters and commanders and by the accelerated deterioration of social conditions and the rising tide of the people’s struggle against the Marcos fascist dictatorship.

The victories were achieved despite the emergence of wrong ideas and major errors in the CPP central leadership and in certain regional Party committees. In 1979 there arose the notion in the CC of the CPP that the people’s war was already in the advanced phase. This led to the further notion that the “stage of strategic counter-offensive” was in the offing.

This notion had no basis in reality and was not realized but encouraged various “Left”opportunist currents of thinking about short-cuts to final victory.

As early as 1981, the subjective notion circulated among certain CC members that the Marcos fascist dictatorship had succeeded in making the Philippines an industrial capitalist country. It gave rise to the Right opportunist and “Left” opportunist currents.

The Right opportunist current wanted to take out the leadership of the CPP and the working class from the National Democratic Front and make the legal form of struggle principal to the armed struggle in obeisance to the anti-Marcos reactionaries. The “Left” opportunist current was initially based on the wrong notion that the NPA had reached the “advanced stage” of the strategic defensive and could carry out next the strategic counteroffensive.

The most disastrous line was that of the “Left” opportunist Red Area- White Area (RAWA) line in Mindanao, which called for people’s strikes in urban areas, intensification of armed city partisan warfare and the premature regularization of the NPA and reduction to being a purely military force.

When the line resulted in setbacks, the “Left” opportunists generated panic, blamed “deep penetration” agents for the setbacks and punished suspected cadres and mass activists without due process through Kampanyang Ahos. As a result of the “Left” opportunist errors, the mass base shrank drastically by more than 50 per cent in Mindanao and the NPA armed strength fell by more than 1000 automatic rifles.

Similar “Left” opportunist errors followed by anti-DPA witch hunts occurred in other regions but on a lesser scale at various times in Negros island, Manila-Rizal, Southern Tagalog, Cordillera and Cagayan Valley. Most of the time NPA foundational strength and the preponderance of good cadres and members continued to prevail over the “Left” opportunism and over the emergence of anti-DPA hysteria.

The central level “Left” opportunists subsequently pursued the line from 1986 to 1989 that total victory could be obtained only with military assistance from abroad; otherwise the revolution would stagnate and then be defeated. When the efforts to import weapons failed, they became demoralized and were joined by the Right opportunists in opposing the strategic line of protracted people’s war.

3. Rectification and Revitalization, 1992-2001

The Second Great Rectification Movement (SGRM) from 1992 to 1998 saved the CPP, the NPA and the entire revolutionary movement from possible self-disintegration or destruction in the hands of the enemy. The Right and “Left” opportunists were in CPP key positions and were using these to undermine and attack Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and the general line of people’s democratic revolution.

The Right opportunists prated about “popular democracy” to attack the leading role of the proletariat and the CPP in the revolution. They blamed the line of protracted people’s war for the supposed failure to be part of the ascendance of the Aquino regime over the Marcos fascist dictatorship. They spouted Gorbachovite, Trotskyite, bourgeois-liberal and other petty-bourgeois currents of thinking.

The “Left” opportunists, especially the most vocal urban insurrectionists, also blamed the strategic line of protracted people’s war for the supposed failure of the NPA to take power or get a significant share of this before the Aquino party took complete power.

The “Left” opportunists in the highest positions babbled that to avert stagnation and defeat, the NPA must benefit from the importation of weapons, even if these were to be secured by considering the Soviet Union as no longer revisionist and social-imperialist. At the same time, they obscured the disastrous results of their line in Mindanao, which included the witch-hunt called Kampanyang Ahos.

Prior to the launch of the SGRM in 1992, the central leadership had already succeeded in acting against the “Left” opportunist errors and the anti-DPA witch-hunts in one region after another. But the SGRM still had to be launched and carried out in order to criticize, repudiate and rectify the errors comprehensively and thoroughly through a movement of ideological and political education. Otherwise, errors could persist to undermine and destroy the Party.

The SGRM faced difficulties because the “Left” and Right opportunists in general combined to attack the Party and take away the Party personnel and resources that they controlled. But the loyal Party cadres and members and the Red commanders and fighters prevailed. They worked hard and succeeded in recovering most of the Party personnel and mass base which had been lost through the errors, crimes and wrecking operations of the “Left” opportunists.

From 1994 to 1998, the forces in Mindanao were able to recover most of the armed strength and mass base that had been lost during the second half of the 1980s. They were able to retain some of the NPA companies in certain guerrilla fronts by a well-balanced correlation of relatively concentrated force for effectiveness in tactical offensives and relatively dispersed force to ensure a sufficiently wide and deep mass base. By 1998, the First Bagani Company had the distinct honor of capturing a brigadier general in the field.

The recovery and revitalization of the NPA occurred in various regions previously afflicted by “Left” opportunism. The NPA level of strength in 1998 exceeded the level before 1992, There were more than 110 guerrilla fronts nationwide, mostly with platoons rather than companies as the total force per front.

In the National Capital Region, the forces of the national democratic movement grew strong to the extent of generating mass protest actions that ultimately forced Estrada to flee the presidential palace and in effect resign his position. This was a crowning victory of the SGRM.

4. Growth, Conservatism and Upsurge, 2002 – 2019

This period covers the regimes of Arroyo, Aquino and Duterte which launched fierce attacks on the NPA and the entire revolutionary movement. The NPA has frustrated all the strategic operational plans aimed at destroying it. It has preserved and increased its strength despite the strategic offensives of the enemy, such as the Oplan Bantay Laya of Arroyo, Bayanihan of Aquino and Kapayapaan of Duterte.

As a result of the SGRM, NPA armed strength in high-powered rifles continued to grow and peaked in 2005 to a level surpassing the earlier 1987 peak by a few hundreds. It was a four percent growth from the 2002 level. However, from 2005, NPA strength dropped by 21.6 per cent over the course of the next four years until 2009.

The NPA armed strength in automatic rifles increased again but by only a few hundreds or around 11 per cent accumulated growth in the next seven years, 2009-2016 but remained below the 12.6 per cent below the 2006 peak. The NPA strength further grew by 9 per cent in the second half of 2016 but remained at 4 per cent below the 2005 peak From end 2016 to August 2017, the NPA grew more than 8 per cent and surpassed the previous 2005 peak by 3 per cent.

Despite the all-out war of the Duterte regime from its continuation of Aquino’s Bayanihan to its adoption of its own US-designed Oplan Kapayapaan, the NPA is growing in strength. The NPA in Mindanao remains the most outstanding in people’s war notwithstanding the prolonged imposition of martial law in the region and the wanton use of bombings and extrajudicial killings to suppress the armed revolution.

The CPP was able to hold its Second Congress successfully. It was able to identify the error of conservatism and over dispersal of small NPA units over a wide area as the principal error that has caused the stagnation and erosion of NPA and mass strength in Luzon and the Visayas. It is an error diametrically opposite the error of “Left” opportunism that had emerged in the years 1981-83 and grew in various regions until 1992.

The error starts with the good motivation of widening and deepening the mass base and developing all political prerequisites. And the erroneous tendency has been to over-disperse small units for mass work and neglect the main NPA task, which is to launch tactical offensives in order to seize weapons from the enemy and strengthen the NPA.

The force deployment with no relatively concentrated force for launching tactical offensives, and with the over-dispersal of small NPA units results in roving or floating units that are easy prey to the enemy and vulnerable to being put in purely defensive actions. When these small units are squashed by the enemy, the mass base that they have created eventually disappears, although available for recovery in the future. Conservatism amounts to abstinence from tactical offensives, which has played into the enemy campaign plans like those of Oplan Bantay Laya of the Arroyo regime, during which the NPA suffered a decrease in strength from 2005 onwards..

At first, the NPA in Mindanao had difficulties of countering enemy offensives under Oplan Bantay Laya and then Bayanihan. But eventually they were able to prevail against the enemy with the effective use of the basic tactics of guerrilla warfare and master the art and science of the tactics of counter encirclement against the enemy encirclements that were bigger but had wider gaps. The Red commanders and fighters had the wisdom to avail of a combination of mass base and rough terrain and the daring to launch tactical offensives against weak points of the enemy.

In the same way that they benefited from the experience and revolutionary cadres and commanders that came from Eastern Visayas in the 1980s, the CPP and NPA in Mindanao have been sharing the fruits of their victories with their comrades in Luzon and the Visayas their experience and battle-tested cadres and commanders by their redeployment to the regions of Luzon and the Visayas. Since 2017, they have been able to counter and prevail over the escalation of enemy attacks under the conditions of martial law.

A strong nationwide basis for the further advance of the people’s war has been established. It is now possible to launch more frequent and more daring tactical offensives on a national scale against the weak points of the enemy. These weak points are in far more areas than the enemy can reinforce and even where the enemy force is focused it exposes its weak points as soon as it is deployed.

Since the last quarter of 2017, there has been a significant increase of NPA tactical offensives on a nationwide scale than a long while before. After concentrating 75 per cent of their strength in Mindanao, the enemy armed forces have sent back more than 10 per cent of their strength to the Visayas and Luzon because of the intensified armed resistance here.

5. Prospects of the NPA

The current 5-year plan (2017-2021) of the Central Committee aims to carry forward the antifascist, antifeudal and anti-imperialist movement and overthrow the tyrannical US-Duterte regime, and bring the protracted people’s war to the advanced phase of the strategic defensive, in order to reach the threshold of the strategic stalemate.

The program calls for intensifying anti-fascist agitation, propaganda, organizational work and mobilization against the mass murders and other atrocities of state terrorism, and the scheme to establish a fascist dictatorship through charter change for a bogus kind of federalism. Building the broadest united front and mobilizing the people in their millions is the key to defeating the regime of terror and greed.

First, the program calls for resolving the imbalance of strength, spread and advance of guerrilla warfare between the relatively more advanced regions in Mindanao and those in Luzon and Visayas, and attain effective cooperation and coordination in advancing guerrilla warfare nationwide. The program seeks to develop 7-10 advanced regions, each with more or less 2,000 full-time Red fighters spread throughout Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao.

Secondly, it calls on the advanced regions to develop sub-regions with three to five interlocking company-sized guerrilla fronts, to serve as anchors and rallying points for inter-regional and national advance. The program estimates that we can effectively combat the sustained large-scale enemy operations in the advanced sub-regions with one or two full or undersized companies with nine to fifteen horizontal platoons in interlocking or adjacent guerrilla fronts, in addition to units of the people’s militias spread over several hundred villages.

Thirdly, the program aims to strengthen the NPA several times over and raise its capability in annihilating enemy teams and squads, and later, platoons. Every region and sub-region must have a company as vertical force following the ratio of one vertical company to every nine horizontal platoons (or 1:3). There must be recruitment campaigns to increase the NPA guerrilla units and people’s militia units and campaigns to generate material and other forms of support.

The NPA must be strengthened through ideological building, strengthening absolute Party leadership, systematic politico-military training and raising its combat capability, in terms of weaponry and technique, active political work to raise the political consciousness, the will to fight and offensive spirit of the Red fighters, strengthen their iron discipline and their close links with the masses.

It calls for building the NPA operational command at the national level down to the sub-regional level to develop planning, coordination and leadership of the NPA work. It also calls for the recruitment of cadres from workers and the educated youth and for developing, training and promotion of military cadres. It calls for further expansion and training of units of people’s militias, self-defense units of mass organizations to develop their capability in waging mass guerrilla warfare. It calls for building partisan units.

Fourthly, the program calls for intensifying guerrilla warfare nationwide and waging all-out resistance against the enemy’s all-out war, gradual constriction and win-hold-win and TRIAD campaigns. It calls for carrying out annihilative basic tactical offensives to deliver solid blows against the enemy, punish the worst fascist criminals, weaken the enemy, seize his weapons, strengthen the people’s army, advance the masses’ anti-feudal and other struggles and expand the democratic people’s power.

The program calls for firmly opposing military conservatism and repudiating the wrong ideas that bring about such weaknesses such as overestimating the strength of the enemy and underestimating the strength of the people and their army; fear of sacrifices and aspiring for comforts and failure to grasp the crucial necessity of intensifying guerrilla warfare in advancing other military and political tasks, locally and in general; lack of attention of leading Party committees on military work; overconfidence, passivity, over-dispersal of forces and so on. The program calls for maximizing NPA armed strength and its deep and wide mass support it enjoys in order to deliver bigger and more frequent blows against the enemy.

The program calls for strengthening vertical forces as the NPA leading force in mounting tactical offensives. Compared to horizontal forces, vertical forces are more concentrated in order for them to move quickly, by itself or together with horizontal units, when necessary to hit at the isolated and vulnerable enemy units. However, they should also make use of every opportunity to arouse, organize and mobilize the masses, help in waging mass campaigns and struggles, participate in production and conduct training, education and political work in between battles.

The horizontal or front guerrilla forces, on the other hand, ensure widespread and intensive guerrilla warfare by all-sidedly developing guerrilla fronts in the military, political, economic, organizational and cultural fields. At every given time, the optimum is for 60 per cent of the NPA units to engage in mass work and political work and 40 per cent to carry out tactical offensives.

The program clarifies that mass work in guerrilla fronts is armed propaganda-type, that is, military work, tactical offensives, combating enemy attacks and operations and raising the military capability of the army and the people. Local guerrilla forces serve as centers of gravity of people’s militia units and village self-defense units. There must be a principal front guerrilla unit to serve as anchor and rallying point of all combat maneuvers and resistance.

Mass work should result in building local Party branches and groups, section committees, mass organizations and organs of political power, in addition to people’s militia and self-defense forces. The capacity of local revolutionary forces must be raised to carry out their tasks on their own in order to unburden the local armed units with details of daily administrative work and allow them to concentrate on various aspects of military work.

The program calls for mounting well-planned tactical offensives with the aim of annihilating enemy units and seizing their weapons. The general guidelines and the tactics include the following: Concentrate a bigger force to mount surprise attacks against weaker, smaller and isolated enemy units. Combine numerous body blows with occasional head blows.

Develop inter-front, regional, inter-regional and national planning and coordination of campaigns and operations to boldly intensify guerrilla warfare by taking hold of the entire strength of the people’s army and carrying out direct and indirect coordination of various guerrilla forces. Raise the capacity for intelligence work at all levels. Carry out partisan operations in order to punish the enemy in the cities and in their main lines of communication and transportation.

The NPA has already spread nationwide and is deeply rooted among the toiling masses. It occupies most of the terrains favorable for guerrilla warfare. It takes full advantage of the strategic line of encircling the cities from the countryside as well as orchestrating tactical offensives in an archipelago according to the principle of centralized leadership and decentralized operations. The NPA is now in a position to deliver lethal blows to the enemy forces anywhere in the archipelago and thereby raise the level of its armed strength.

The Filipino people and all their revolutionary forces are confident that they will make great strides towards total victory in the revolutionary war for the people’s democratic revolution because they are gaining political and armed strength as the crisis of both the semicolonial and semifeudal ruling system and that of the world capitalist system are simultaneously worsening at an accelerated rate.

The inter-imperialist contradictions are sharpening and resulting in worse forms of exploitation and oppression, unprecedented crisis of global proportions, widespread state terrorism and wars of aggression. These are signals for the further rise and eventual victory of the people’s democratic revolution in the Philippines and the resurgence of the anti-imperialist movements and the world proletarian revolution.###

Duterte will go down in history as a scourge to the Filipino people

By Prof. Jose Maria Sison
NDFP Chief Political Consultant
March 27, 2019

By his own policies and actions, Duterte has already defined himself and his ruling clique as treasonous, tyrannical, mass murdering, plundering, and swindling. He will certainly go down in Philippine history as a scourge to the Filipino people.

1. Supreme Protector of Drug Lords
Duterte misrepresented himself as a crusader against the illegal drug trade and promised during the 2016 elections that he would solve the problem in three to six months. He used a bogus war on illegal drugs to incite and order the police to carry out the mass murder of 30,000 poor people tagged as drug users and peddlers and to spare the drug lords and smugglers under his protection..

Duterte has fully exposed himself as the supreme protector of drug lords and drug smugglers, that include his close Chinese friends and his close relatives. By his own admission, the drug problem has worsened, with drugs being freely smuggled and distributed to a clientele rising in number from 1.8 million to 8 million. Shamelessly, he uses his deliberate failure to stop the drug lords and drug smugglers as the pretext for perpetuating his license to engage in mass murder at the expense of the poor people.

2. Anti-Peace Scheme for a Fascist Dictatorship
Duterte has terminated the peace negotiations with the National Democratic Front of the Philippines since 2017 in order to use the continuing armed conflict as the reason for his tyrannical rule, de facto martial law nationwide and his scheme of fascist dictatorship through charter change to a bogus federalism in which the powers of government are concentrated in his hands and by which he can handpick his regional and provincial agents.

Duterte’s obsession with seeking to establish a fascist dictatorship is driven by his scheme to get a lion’s share in the plunder of the social and natural wealth of the people, to engage in selective and mass murders so as to entrench himself in power and prevent his arrest, prosecution and trial for crimes against humanity by the International Criminal Court and by the people’s court of the people’s democratic government.

3. Chief Plunderer and King of Corruption
Duterte raised his 2016 electoral campaign funds from Chinese financiers and from such notorious Luzon-based plunderers as the Marcoses, Arroyos, Estradas, Enriles, Revillas and others who provided him with funds and bailiwick votes. Thus, he has gotten them off the hook in their plunder cases through the corrupt Supreme Court in exchange for their financial and political support.

Having become the president, Duterte is now the chief plunderer who cuts into all kinds of illegal and legal business enterprises, into big loan contracts with state banks and social insurance corporations, into the discretionary, intelligence, pork barrel and other accounts in the government budget and into contracts with Chinese and other foreign companies related to his infrastructure-building projects and other projects requiring the approval of the office of the president.

4. The Butcher Extends the Scale of His Butchery
Duterte has formed the national task force to destroy the revolutionary movement. This is both continuation of his all-out war against the people and the revolutionary forces and escalation of the same through the militarization of the civilian agencies, increased re-channeling of public funds for racketeering by the military and local officials, the faking of “localized peace talks”, ”mass surrenders” and “development” projects to divert funds from civilian agencies to military psywar and racketeering.

The worst and most brutal aspect of Implan Kalasag of Duterte’s national task force is to apply Oplan Tokhang methods of frame up and murder on the critics of his regime and suspected revolutionaries. These are red-tagged and listed. The list is used to label people as “communists or terrorists” and make them targets of “legal offensives,” and available for abduction, torture and murder by Duterte death squads embedded in the military and police. The murder of social activists, lawyers, human rights and peace advocates is now on the upsurge.

Duterte has turned the reactionary armed forces and police into his private armies by making their officers and men complicit with him in the commission of mass murder, corrupting and rewarding them with cash rewards and promotions and assuring them of presidential protection and immunity. The relatively more patriotic and saner elements of the reactionary armed forces and police have been offended by the privatization, criminalization and corruption of their armed services and are desirous of withdrawing support from their butcher commander-in-chief.

5. Puppet of Two Imperialist Powers
Duterte claimed that he was for an independent foreign policy and was favoring China only to even it up with the US. But in fact he is a puppet of both the US and the Chinese imperialists. All the treaties, agreements and arrangements that keep the US as the dominant imperialist power in the Philippines remain. But what makes Duterte’s connection with China outstanding is that he has received bribes in advance to allow China to build and militarize artificial islands in the West Philippine Sea and to turn the Philippines into a debt colony.

The Philippines is being turned into a debt colony of China by becoming burdened with high interest loans for overpriced infrastructure projects, which require the use of Chinese contractors, consultants, suppliers of equipment and construction-materials and even workers from the Chinese mainland. All the loans and construction projects are subject to Chinese laws and courts and to the conversion of loans to Chinese equity and acquisition of Philippine assets and natural resources as a consequence of defaults in loan payments.

6. Sabotaging the Philippine Economy
Duterte has kept and aggravated the same kind of agrarian, semifeudal and pre-industrial kind of Philippine economy by making it even more dependent on the export of raw materials and importation of foreign manufactures, principally catering to the upper class and mass consumers, and secondarily for semimanufacture of goods for re-export. 
There is no industrial development. And yet agricultural production at 7.4 per cent and import-dependent manufacturing have drastically fallen. The service sector is bloated at 58.6 per cent of GDP. 

What is passed off as industrial development is expanded mining, import-dependent semimanufacturing, private construction for the benefit of the big compradors and infrastructure building to facilitate the old pattern of economic and trade relations between the Philippines and foreign monopoly interests. Some 10.9 million or nearly a quarter of the work force of 44.1 million Filipinos are unemployed. More than 12 million Filipino are abroad as migrant workers for lack of employment in the Philippines . A big number are also underemployed. Thus, poverty has spread and become worse. 

The budgetary deficit keeps on rising because of accelerated unproductive government spending for the military and the corrupt bureaucracy, financial outflows and the trade deficit keeps on widening because of the prolonged domestic conditions of semifeudal exploitation and stagnation as well as the global economic depression. The Philippines is more than ever dependent on onerous foreign loans and the foreign exchange remittances of overseas contract workers.

7. Generator of Inflation
Duterte is a generator of inflation in the Philippine economy. He is spending public funds at an unprecedentedly accelerated rate, raising taxes at the expense of the consumers, wantonly expanding credit to his cronies and outrightly printing money without support from real growth in production. 

The tax burden in becoming heavier to cover the government budgetary and trade deficits and to assure foreign lenders that they have the priority in being paid back. The people are victimized by rising excise taxes on fuel and basic consumer goods and the soaring costs of imports due to the deterioration of the economy and the depressed incomes from mineral and agricultural exports.

Duterte is earning money for himself and his clique by increasing the budget for buying weapons from abroad and for intelligence funds which are not audited. In collaboration with the Chinese cartels in the trade of food staples (rice and corn), he allows them to manipulate the supply and prices in the country and at the same time to import the food staples by way of increasing their leverage against local food production by the peasants.

8. Patron of Land-grabbers
Duterte has boasted that he can carry out land reform and that the New People’s Amy is not needed for the purpose. In fact, he is distributing mere scraps of paper reminding so-called agrarian reform beneficiaries of their duty to pay for their arrears in land amortization. Ninety percent of so-called land reform beneficiaries in the bogus land reform program of the reactionary government have failed to make amortization payments. 

In fact, Duterte is the patron of all land grabbers and land accumulators. He is accelerating the conversion or reclassification of land designated as subject to land reform to non-agricultural purposes. He is unleashing military offensives, bombing and forcing the communities of indigenous people and poor peasants to leave their land for the benefit of foreign and local mining, plantation and logging corporations. Thus, the people being displaced and dispossessed of their land are resisting and are relying on the armed democratic revolution to solve the land problem by undertaking genuine land reform.

9. Enemy of the Working Class
Duterte promised to end the practice of short-term contractualization, subjecting workers to a series of work contracts for less than six months. But he would make fun of his own lie by stating only fools could believe him because he would never do such a thing. Unemployment has worsened under the Duterte regime. Thus, the wage conditions of the working class have further deteriorated. 

The regime is bound by neoliberal policy of unbridled greed, which his economic advisers pursue. The capitalist employers are allowed to employ more five-month contractuals and to press down wages in the face of growing unemployment. Thus, the surplus population in both urban and rural areas is rapidly increasing and is inclined to join the armed revolutionary movement. The pressing down of wages and suppression of workers’ trade union rights are effected by compulsory arbitration and state terrorism against the patriotic and progressive trade unions.

10. The Misogynist and Anti-Church Demagogue
To entertain his followers, Duterte loves to use vulgarity to slander and humiliate the women and the bishops and priests of the Catholic and other Christian churches. It is his way of generating an image of the strong-man in the same way that he uses the mass murder of the poor tagged as drug suspects and the social activists tagged as “Red”. 

In fact, he has threatened to have his armed minions to shoot women suspected as NPA fighters in the vagina and to kill bishops and priests whom he ridicules as useless, stupid and gays because they are defending the people’s rights and opposing his mass murder of the poor people tagged either as drug users and peddlers or as “communist terrorists”. 

Already in power, he is not at all afraid of what the women’s movement and the churches can do to defend themselves because he is confident that he can prevail with the use of the government, opinion and poll surveys and mass media and he can also use the Comelec and the military to rig any process to determine the people’s will, like the forthcoming elections. It is after being elected to the highest office that the modern bourgeois tyrant or fascist dictator can do anything criminal with impunity. It takes an armed revolution to overthrow such a monster.###

Duterte is the best recruiter and best transport and supply officer

By Jose Maria Sison, NDFP Chief Political Consultant | March 23, 2019

The Filipino people and the revolutionary forces led by the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) have a lot to thank Duterte for. Though unwittingly, like the tyrant Marcos in his own time, Duterte has become the best recruiter and the best transport and supply officer of the New People’s Army (NPA).

As the best recruiter of the NPA, Duterte has driven so many people to join the NPA by running a tyrannical, treasonous, mass murdering, plundering and inflation-generating regime. The people have no choice but to fight such an evil regime.

By terminating the peace negotiations, he compels the armed revolutionary movement to concentrate on intensifying the people’s war and cast away any illusion that this regime of terror and greed can negotiate social, economic and political reforms to address the roots of the armed conflict in order to achieve a just and lasting peace.

The more direct kind of assistance that Duterte gives to the armed revolution is splitting up his military and police forces into two parts, one part for psywar and mass intimidation and the other part for blind and deaf armed offensives against the people.

The part for psywar and mass intimidation is for engaging in fake peace-and-development activities, rounding up people for fake localized peace negotiations, fake surrenders, occupation of civilian offices, too many checkpoints, guarding pro-Duterte politicians and business enterprises, over-enlarged surveillance and intelligence operations, widespread red tagging, urban arrests and death-squad operations.

The part for combat is weakened with less personnel for field deployment. In any case, whatever is the number of combat personnel of the reactionary armed forces, they are rendered blind and deaf by the lack of popular support wherever they dare to move against the guerrilla fronts.

Duterte is the best transport and supply officer when he sends his troops and police to attack the guerrilla fronts. When they advance in superior force, the NPA retreats and gives the enemy an illusion of winning. But when they camp and take over rough terrain, their strength is thinned out and they leave gaps between units and make small detachments and patrol teams, which are easy targets for the counteroffensives of the NPA.

Duterte’s scheme to destroy the NPA in Mindanao and then in Luzon and the Visayas has utterly failed. The predictions of Ano and Duterte that they could destroy the NPA before the end of 2018 have proven to be false. Duterte’s prediction that the NPA would be destroyed before the middle of 2019 have been debunked by DND secretary Lorenzana himself who begged for more time until 2022.

The NPA has become stronger in Mindanao, with more enemy units being annihilated and disarmed. At the same time, the people’s war in Luzon and the Visayas has successfully intensified. Thus, Duterte is compelled to redeploy some of his forces from Mindanao to the Visayas and Luzon. The 75 percent of his military forces concentrated in Mindanao since 2017 are now down to 64 percent, according to inside AFP sources.

The diehard reactionaries like Duterte and his armed minions always fail to appreciate the strategic line of protracted people’s war in pursuit of the people’s democratic revolution. This strategic line gives the wide space and time for the NPA to grow from small and weak to big and strong and to lure in the enemy forces to spread out thinly in the countryside and to so many islands for NPA tactical offensives to become more effective.

It is impossible for the reactionary military, police and paramilitary forces to defeat the NPA through sheer military operations and puerile psywar. The NPA already has nationwide strength and is deeply rooted among the toiling masses. It occupies almost all the strategic areas favorable for guerrilla warfare in the stage of strategic defensive and for the prospective regular mobile warfare in the strategic stalemate.

The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) has wisely changed the NPA force structure, with 40 percent of its units relatively concentrated for tactical offensives and 60 percent relatively dispersed units for mass work in each of the 110 guerrilla fronts. By seizing more arms from the enemy forces, the NPA is increasing its ability to hit the weak points of the enemy at will all over the archipelago.

At this time, the termination of the peace negotiations seems to benefit Duterte’s scheme of fascist dictatorship but in fact, it drives the broad masses of the people and the organized revolutionary forces to wage all forms of resistance to isolate and intensify them in order to isolate and defeat the tyrannical US-Duterte regime.

As an observer of the current civil war in the Philippines, I have learned from CPP revolutionary publications that the best way to frustrate Duterte’s scheme of fascist dictatorship, to puncture its arrogance and debunk the fake surrenders and fake encounters staged by the regime and its armed running dogs is for the NPA to deliver more lethal blows on weak points of the enemy forces in the countryside and deliver head blows to the regime’s most brutal, corrupt and drug-trading officials in the urban areas. ###