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Requisites in revolutionary class struggle for building the socialist future

By Jose Maria Sison
Founding Chairman, Communist Party of the Philippines
Chairperson, International League of Peoples’ Struggle

Introduction

There are five general requisites for building the socialist future. First, learn from the historical experience of the revolutionary proletariat in building socialism in the 20th century. Second, grasp the potential for socialist revolution in various countries in the current circumstances. Third, build the subjective forces of the revolution, such as the revolutionary party of the proletariat, the mass organizations, effective alliances, the people’s army or self- defense units, and the organs of political power. Fourth, carry out the various forms of revolutionary struggle to overthrow the class dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. Fifth, build the socialist state of the proletariat on the basis of a broad people’s alliance, and engage in continuous socialist revolution in the political, socio-economic and cultural fields.

Learn from the historical experience of building socialism!

In the emergence and development of industrial capitalism, it has been unavoidable for the capitalist class to create and expand the working class from which it extracts surplus value and enables it to accumulate capital. It is a given fact that the modern industrial proletariat is the most advanced productive force. And in the course of class struggle against exploitation and oppression, it has become the most advanced political force capable of liberating itself and other exploited classes, and of building socialism as a result of being developed ideologically, politically and organizationally to fight and overthrow the exploitative and crisis- ridden capitalist system.

As a revolutionary class for itself and for other exploited people, the working class has been involved in and benefited from the three stages of development of its revolutionary theory and practice. In the first stage, in the era of free competition capitalism, Marx and Engels laid the fundamental principles of Marxism in philosophy, political economy and social science, and engaged in initial efforts to build the communist and workers’ movement. In the second stage, in the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution, the Bolsheviks led by Lenin and Stalin prevailed over the revisionism and opportunism of the Second International and the Mensheviks in order to lead the October Revolution that overthrew the Tsarist rule and establish a socialist state, victoriously engaged in the socialist revolution and construction in  the Soviet Union.

After Lenin died in 1924, Stalin brought the New Economic Policy to a successful conclusion. He adopted the series of five-year economic plans to bring about socialist industrialization, the collectivization and mechanization of agriculture, the education training and deployment of the biggest corps of scientists and engineers, the promotion of socialist culture and art and the mass mobilization of the Soviet people of various nationalities. After the arrest and trial of the traitors in the 1930s, the German Nazi intelligence could not find a fifth column for the Nazi invasion. Stalin victoriously led the Great Patriotic War against the fascists who killed 27 million Soviet people and destroyed 85 per cent of Soviet industry. He proceeded to industrialize the Soviet Union for the second time and encouraged the oppressed nations and peoples of the world to fight for national liberation and socialism.

In the same stage of the Leninist development of Marxism, the Communist Party of China led by Mao made a still far greater breach on the imperialist front in the East by winning the people’s democratic revolution through protracted people’s war and proceeding to carry out the socialist revolution. Mao can be credited with the consolidation of the revolutionary victory amidst the devastation brought about by the Japanese invasion and the civil war unleashed by Guomindang, the basic socialization of the Chinese economy, the Great Leap Forward to socialist industry and to establish communes, the socialist education movement, the critique of and improvement on the Soviet model of economic development and the vital support extended by China to the Korean people and the Indochinese people in their struggles for national liberation and socialism against US imperialist aggression and to all the peoples of Asia, African and Latin America.

It became the responsibility of Mao to confront the full-blown phenomenon of modern revisionism of Khrushchov and then Brezhnev. This paved the way for the third stage, that of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought, when Mao put forward the theory and practice of continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat through the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution (GPCR) in order to combat modern revisionism, prevent the restoration of capitalism and consolidate socialism. The GPCR prevailed from 1966 to 1976. But a coup d’etat headed by Deng Zhao Ping, behind a combination of Rightists and Centrists, overthrew the socialist state and began a series of capitalist reforms. This was a repeat of the coup d’etat headed by the revisionist chieftain Khrushchov in the Soviet Union in 1956.

It is of crucial importance for the scientific socialists or communists of today to learn the historical experience of the revolutionary proletariat in building socialism. We must appreciate the great socialist achievements of the proletariat, entire people and their leadership in the philosophical, political, social, economic and cultural fields, against imperialism, revisionism and opportunism. And we must criticize and repudiate the “Left” and Right opportunist errors of certain leaders at certain times and the biggest of all errors modern revisionism, which destroyed socialism under the pretext of creatively improving it through capitalist reforms. The positive and negative lessons from the past are a legacy to learn from.

The imperialists and their petty bourgeois camp followers are systematically using the total negation of the socialist revolution and socialist construction, especially from 1917 to 1956 in the Soviet Union and from 1949 to 1976 in China, in order to attack entirely the revolutionary cause of socialism. They use the cheap reductionist psychological trick of the total negation of Stalin and Mao as the short cut to the total negation of socialism, and the proletariat, people and party that built socialism. In times of either the most strident or most subtle anti-communist propaganda anywhere, the communists and revolutionary people must resolutely uphold their principles and militantly do their work. 

In what is already an extended period of strategic retreat for the international communist movement, as a result of the revisionist betrayal of socialism, the scope and impact of the revolutionary ideological and political work of the persevering communists may appear limited and ineffectual on a global scale or in certain countries. The imperialists may even appear invincible as they unleash the most brutal forms of class struggle and aggressive wars as the petty bourgeois reformists and neorevisionists seem to steal the struggle from the communist revolutionaries. But the resolute and steady ideological and political work of the communist revolutionaries will eventually resound, amplified by the ever worsening crisis of the bourgeois ruling system, and will certainly lead to the upsurge and expansion of the revolutionary movement.

Grasp the potential for socialist revolution in the current circumstances!

At present, all major contradictions in the world capitalist system are intensifying. These are the contradictions between the monopoly bourgeoisie and the working class in the imperialist countries; those between the imperialist powers and the oppressed peoples and nations; those between the imperialist powers and some countries assertive of national independence; and those among the imperialists themselves. The objective conditions are favorable for waging revolution. The broad masses of the people are in extreme suffering and are desirous of revolutionary change. There is a high potential for the rise of revolutionary forces for people’s democracy and socialism against imperialism.

In the imperialist countries, the contradiction between the monopoly bourgeoisie and the working class has been exacerbated by the rapidly accelerating adoption of higher technology in production, distribution, finance and communication, and the intensification of profit-taking by the monopoly bourgeoisie under the neoliberal economic policy. The crises of overproduction have recurred more frequently and more gravely. The attempts of the monopoly bourgeoisie to counter the crisis of overproduction and the tendency of the profit rate to fall by resorting to the tricks of finance capitalism, mainly the expansion of the money supply and credit to stimulate production and consumption, have led from one financial crisis to another until the financial meltdown of 2008, which has caused what is in fact a protracted global depression.

The contradiction between the social character of production and the private mode of appropriation has become utterly conspicuous, and the destructiveness and irrationality of capitalism are well manifested by high rates of unemployment, lower incomes among the working people, the thinning out of the middle social strata, and the growing poverty and misery even in imperialist countries. But the incipient people’s resistance is not yet being turned into a resounding demand for system change and for socialism because the revolutionary parties of the proletariat have not yet arisen or are still too few, small and weak to overcome the long running and current strategy and tactics of repression and deception employed by the state and private instruments of the monopoly bourgeoisie.

The contradiction between the imperialist powers and the oppressed peoples and nations has become far worse than ever before. The fact of neocolonialism in most underdeveloped countries has been aggravated by the rampage of neoliberalism. The broad masses of the people are suffering from rising levels of exploitation, oppression and aggression. They suffer the main brunt of imperialist plunder and war. Even in the so-called emergent markets favored by the imperialist outsourcing of manufactures and special flows of hedge funds, the people suffer from unemployment, reduced real incomes, and other dire consequences of the global depression.

As a result of extreme oppression and exploitation, there are revolutionary parties of the proletariat persevering in armed revolution for national liberation, people’s democracy and socialism in a number of underdeveloped countries. There are also similar parties preparing for armed revolution. Where the imperialist powers have unleashed wars of aggression, as in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya and Syria, political and social turmoil among Islamic sects and ethno-linguistic communities has continued, and conflicting armies have arisen. But no communist party has yet taken advantage of this kind of situation.

Communist parties still exist in former revisionist-ruled countries but have not gone beyond parliamentary struggle. Certain states like Cuba, Venezuela, Bolivia and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea stand out today for upholding their national independence and socialist aspirations against the blockades and provocations by US imperialism. They are holding their ground, even while the US has succeeded in destroying the Qaddafi government in Libya and is trying to overthrow the Assad government in Syria for the benefit of the US- Israeli combine in the Middle East.

The contradictions among the imperialist powers in economic, financial, security and other policy matters are fast coming to the fore. The US is now worried to death about the growing tendency of Russia and China to act independently and pose a challenge to its status as No. 1 imperialist power and sole superpower, in contrast to the previous period when the US gloated over the full restoration of capitalism in the two countries and proclaimed it as the final doom of the socialist cause. The ruling parties of both Russia and China have indeed betrayed the cause of socialism but they have brought to the top rung of capitalist powers the high sense of sovereign power and social capital that they had acquired under socialism.

The struggle for a redivision of the world has become more intense. It is a struggle for sources of cheap labor and cheap raw materials as well as for markets, fields of investment and spheres of influence. The US resents the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as a counter to NATO, the formation of the BRICS economic bloc, the Eurasian economic and security alliance of China and Russia, and the Belt and Road Initiative. Thus, under Obama it carried out the strategic pivot to East Asia to contain China, and made provocations on the borders of Russia to destabilize Russia.

Under Trump, the US has started a trade war against China, stepped up sanctions against Russia and unleashed military intervention and wars of aggression in several regions. is making provocations on the borders of Russia to destabilize Russia. Inter-imperialist contradictions in general, and inter-imperialist wars in particular, offer opportunities for developing revolutionary civil wars for national liberation and socialism. Remember how the first socialist state arose in connection with World War I and several socialist countries in connection with World War II.

Build the subjective forces of the revolution!

In relation to such objective conditions as the system of exploitation, the crisis, and the moods of the spontaneous masses, the subjective forces of the revolution are highly conscious solid organizations of people who are determined to wage various forms of revolutionary struggle in order to discredit, isolate and ultimately destroy the bourgeois ruling system. The objectives of the scientific socialists are to smash and destroy the bourgeois state and establish the proletarian or socialist state. Definite types of organizations are needed to realize these objectives.

Just as the bourgeoisie was the class agent to establish and develop capitalism, the modern industrial proletariat is the class agent to establish and develop socialism. Whatever is their level of consciousness about socialism at a given time, or whatever is the degree of influence of petty bourgeois and anti-socialist ideas on them, the blue collars and white collars in the labor force have their class interest which is increasingly under vicious assault by the monopoly bourgeoisie and which can, in due time, rouse them to rise up when the boiling point is reached. They are objectively the overwhelming majority in the well-developed capitalist economy, in contrast to the minority consisting of the capitalist owners and their highest paid subalterns. They have the potential of becoming conscious that they can get rid of the bourgeois rule and can run and expand the national industrial economy without the bourgeois proprietors and managers.

No matter how large is the peasantry in a country, it cannot lead the socialist revolution because its perspective is, at best, to own the land through democratic revolution or reform, and the possibility for socialist cooperation and mechanization is made possible by the proletariat in power. At any rate, the proletariat cannot seize and hold power without a strong alliance with the peasantry in any agrarian country. The class tendency of the petty bourgeoisie is to serve the bourgeois system and even to climb to the level of the big bourgeois. Marx himself had to change his petty bourgeois outlook and remould himself into a proletarian revolutionary to become a scientific socialist.

The most important subjective force to build for socialist revolution is the party of the revolutionary proletariat – the Communist Party or the workers’ party. It is the advanced detachment of the entire working class and the trade union movement. It builds and strengthens itself ideologically, politically and organizationally for winning the battle for democracy by mobilizing the workers and other working and exploited people; for smashing the state power of the bourgeoisie; and for building socialism in transition to communism. It propagates the revolutionary theory and practice of the proletariat. It proclaims and carries out the general political line, and the strategy and tactics in the revolutionary struggle. It recruits as Party members the most advanced elements in the revolutionary mass movement.

The proletarian revolutionaries must rely on the masses and do mass work. They must engage in social investigation in order to learn from the masses their basic problems and urgent needs, and how to arouse, organize and mobilize them in order to unite and strengthen themselves against their powerful adversaries. In industrial capitalist countries, they must focus mass work among the workers in their work places and communities. They must build revolutionary unions where no unions yet exist or even if they must at first form and multiply communist cells within the reactionary unions. They must trust the workers in embracing the revolutionary theory and practice of their own class. In agrarian or underdeveloped countries, they must build the revolutionary trade unions and peasant associations at the same time, and strengthen the basic alliance of these two classes. The revolutionary worker’s party must field cadres and organizers to the countryside to arouse, organize and mobilize the peasants and develop proletarian revolutionaries from among their ranks.

It is not enough to build the basic class organizations of the toiling masses of workers and peasants. The proletarian revolutionaries and mass activists must build certain types of organizations like people’s cooperatives and organizations of the youth, women, teachers, health workers, cultural workers and other low-income people. They must encourage the petty bourgeoisie to form its own progressive organizations in rejection of the exploiting classes and in support of workers and other working people. Revolutionary alliances of the working people with the progressive organizations of the petty bourgeoisie are of great importance. The progressive petty bourgeoisie carries with it to the socialist cause their various professional and technical skills and can serve as articulators and molders of public opinion. The progressive bourgeois can become allies of decisive importance and can remould themselves into proletarian revolutionaries.

The revolutionary party of the proletariat answers the central question of revolution when it builds a people’s army for seizing political power. But the situation may not yet be ripe for establishing the people’s army in certain countries. In preparing for the eventuality of creating a people’s army and waging an armed revolution, the Party and the pertinent mass organizations can form discreet self-defense units and engage in mass training for self- defense, but always avoiding provocations that lead to unnecessary or untimely armed clashes that give the enemy to unleash white terror against the revolutionary forces and people. In the US and certain countries, it is a matter of constitutional right for ordinary citizens to bear arms to restrain or prevent the state from misusing its armed power against the people. Practical legitimate reasons for the private possession of firearms include self- defense against common criminals, fondness for hunting, and membership in a sports club.

In the application of the strategy of protracted people’s war by encircling the cities from the countryside in underdeveloped countries, people’s committees of self-government are formed as organs of political power in local communities. Even in the absence of a revolutionary civil war, such organs of political power can be established with the support of the mass organizations and can perform certain non-violent functions of local government in communities of the working people. Even at the national level, an alliance of progressive political parties and mass organizations can appear and act like a government by forming a people’s shadow cabinet, with major departments that monitor and criticize the policies and actions of the reactionary government and voice out the demands of the people and the mass movement.

Carry out various forms of struggle to overthrow the capitalist system!

Ideological building is the first requisite and continuing fundamental task in building the revolutionary party of the proletariat. It avails of the treasury of Marxist-Leninist works written by the great communist thinkers and revolutionary leaders in the course of victorious revolutionary struggles against the capitalist system, reaction and revisionism of the classical and modern type. These works provide the principles and methods to guide the analysis of the history and circumstances of the people in a country, the formulation of the revolutionary program of action, and the concrete practice of revolution by the proletarian revolutionaries and the people.

The theory and practice of Marxism-Leninism is ever developing in relation to the world and to the particular country where it is applied. It is comprehensive and profound as it musters the proletarian revolutionary outlook and scientific knowledge in criticizing and repudiating class exploitation and oppression; in drawing up the general political line, strategy and tactics; in striving to end the capitalist system; and in proposing socialism as the preparation of communism. It requires the concrete analysis of concrete conditions, and the testing of ideas in social practice. It demands within the proletarian party a struggle against petty bourgeois subjectivism, be it in the form of dogmatism or empiricism. The consequence is that the party is well equipped to wage ideological struggle against the theorists and ideologues of the bourgeoisie and in constantly combating non-proletarian ideas and tendencies inside the party.

Ideological building serves to firm up the political building of the proletarian revolutionary party and reinforces the line of political struggle against the big bourgeoisie in different conditions. In the developed capitalist countries, the proletariat can regard the forces of social production as the basis for socialism, but it also has to win the battle for democracy by winning over the petty bourgeoisie and all disgruntled sections of capitalist society, in order to have the overwhelming majority of the people for the uprisings to overthrow the class dictatorship of the bourgeoisie.

The capitalist class never gives up its power and wealth voluntarily but uses violence and deception to hold on to these, and it does not hesitate to use fascism to suppress the forces of socialism and the people. It is therefore necessary for the proletarian party to develop a revolutionary mass movement and prepare the means for frustrating or defeating state terrorism, and for establishing the state power of the proletariat. The proletariat cannot fulfil the historic mission of building socialism without state power. This is proletarian class dictatorship against bourgeois class dictatorship, and is at the same time proletarian democracy for the proletariat and the rest of the people. 

In the underdeveloped or agrarian countries, where the peasantry still comprises the majority of the population, the proletarian revolutionary party adopts the line of people’s democratic revolution led by the proletariat but is based mainly on the worker-peasant alliance. It can adopt the strategic line of protracted people’s war, encircling the cities from the countryside in order to accumulate the political and armed strength to eventually seize power in the cities and on a national scale. In addition to the basic worker-peasant alliance, the party can build further alliances with the urban petty bourgeoisie and the middle bourgeoisie, and take advantage of splits among the reactionaries. 

In all kinds of countries, legal and illegal forms of struggle need to be carried out by the proletarian revolutionaries who lead a broad range of revolutionary forces. Even where there is yet no armed revolution by the proletariat and the people, the bourgeois can be repressive and outlaw activities that are legal in other times or other countries. When armed revolution is already surging, certain legal forms of struggle are still possible and necessary to isolate and weaken the enemy. In the general run of third world countries, the people suffer the main brunt of imperialist exploitation, oppression and aggression, thus the conditions for waging revolutionary wars are far more favorable than in the imperialist countries. The best possible situation for the world proletarian revolution is the interaction of revolutions in countries with different levels of development.

The revolutionary mass movement can pursue certain kinds of economic struggle, like strikes and blockades by the workers and peasants, boycotts or interdiction of goods and enterprises of the imperialist enemy, undertaking industrial cooperatives of workers, handicraft cooperatives of artisans, land reform and improvement of agricultural production. But it cannot rely mainly on these to take over the national economy. It is the politico-military struggle that makes the bourgeoisie lose its economic power and bureaucratic offices.

The proletarian revolutionaries, the cultural activists and the people can also engage in cultural struggle. They can create and promote cultural works to inspire more people to join and support the revolutionary movement. But only the politico-military struggle can make the reactionaries lose their control over the secular cultural institutions. Even then, unlike the power and wealth of the big bourgeoisie which can be confiscated, the ideas, sentiments and habits of the reactionaries will persist and can only be overcome or re-channelled persuasively by persevering in the revolutionary education of the current and future generations.

Build the socialist state and engage in socialist revolution in all fields!

Consequent to the smashing and dismantling of the military and bureaucratic machinery of the bourgeois state, the proletarian revolutionary party, the proletariat and the broad masses of the people can establish the socialist state and carry the socialist revolution forward, uphold and defend the national independence and socialist revolution, promote socialist democracy, socialize the commanding heights of the economy, carry out land reform and other bourgeois democratic reforms when necessary as transition measures, foster a patriotic, scientific and socialist system of education and culture, establish diplomatic and trade relations with all countries, and uphold proletarian internationalism and anti-imperialist solidarity.

The democratic state power must protect and defend the proletariat and the people against imperialism and the exploiting classes. It must ensure and encourage the exercise and enjoyment of rights among the broad masses of the people individually and collectively. The revolutionary party of the proletariat must take the lead in the correct handling of contradictions of the people and must give full play to democracy. It must take care that the contradictions among the people are not confused with those between the people and the enemy. 

The state must have a republican socialist constitution and must be under the leadership of the revolutionary party of the proletariat, on the basis of the participation and support of the broad masses of the people, and in cooperation with other democratic parties and mass organizations. The main component of state power is the people’s army under the absolute leadership of the Party, and must be capable of defending national sovereignty and the socialist revolution against internal and external threats.

The constitution must prohibit imperialist intervention and domination, and the rule of any exploiting class. It must have a bill of rights which gives full play to democracy among the citizenry and all the patriotic and progressive forces within the framework of socialism. It must provide for the distinct executive, legislative and judicial branches of government, their powers and their obligations, and the methods for constituting them.

The national people’s congress or parliament must have an Upper House of Labor which upholds the socialist constitution and ensures that legislation by the Lower House of Commons conforms to the constitution and to the socialist principles, policies and plans for developing the political, socio-economic and cultural system. The members of the House of Labor must be elected representatives of the Party and the workers of all major industries. The House of Commons must be a bigger body which includes representatives of the patriotic and progressive classes, forces and sectors and national minorities who are elected by the people at the appropriate levels of political subdivision. The national people’s congress or parliament may be replicated at lower levels. And people’s consultative assemblies may be formed at any level to prepare and support the work of their respective congress or parliament.

As soon as the socialist republic is established, such commanding heights of the economy as strategic industries, sources of raw materials, and the major means of transport and communication will come under public ownership. Transitory measures may be adopted to allow land reform and other bourgeois democratic reforms, overcome the consequences of war and enemy blockades, and revive the economy in the quickest way possible. But all these measures are subject to the steady process of cooperativization and socialization. As soon as possible, a series of 5-year economic plans must be adopted and implemented to develop socialist industry, agricultural cooperation and mechanization, and such social services as public education, cultural work, health care, housing, sports and recreation..

The centralized economic planning must provide for a well-balanced allocation of resources and development. The strategic industries must be in the lead of development and agriculture must be the base of the economy, ensuring food self-reliance and some major raw materials. But light industries, which will provide basic consumer and producer goods as well as the social services, must be developed as quickly as possible in order to serve the immediate basic needs of the people.

There must also be a well-balanced distribution of economic development tasks between the central and lower levels of economic and social ministries or departments. The objective is to spread economic development nationwide, even as various levels of processing can be located close to the source of raw materials, and certain light industries and social services can be assigned to lower levels of the government.

In socialism, the general principle of compensating people for their work is to each according to his or her deeds. There will still be wage differentials on the basis of the quantity and quality of the work done. But certainly, the needs of those who have retired and those who are unable to work permanently or temporarily (children, women on maternity leave, the elderly, the sick, those with physical or mental impairments, and so on) will be provided for. As productivity rises and production expands, it becomes possible to decrease the number of working hours and raise the real income, unlike in the capitalist system in which the capitalists press down wages in order to maximise private profit. In the socialist system, aside from the assurance of full employment and rising real wages, the surplus value that used to be privately accumulated by the exploiters becomes social capital for expanding and improving production, infrastructure, social services, efficient administration, scientific and technological research and development, artistic cultural work and public performances, defense capabilities and environmental improvement.

It is realistic and reasonable to expect that, in so many vital respects, socialism advances towards communism. The rise in the quantity and quality of production and the efficiency in its organization, the decrease of working hours and increase of real income, and the expansion of social services move towards a classless society in which the needs for subsistence, good health, recreation and cultural upliftment of the individual and the entire community are fulfilled. But to proclaim prematurely the end of classes and the class struggle, and the withering away of the worker state is to encourage the abandonment of the proletarian revolutionary stand, viewpoint and method of thinking. This translates to becoming blind to the persisting reactionary die-hards and potentially new shoots of the bourgeoisie in socialist society and to the continuing threats from imperialism and the international bourgeoisie.

Lenin pointed out that socialism will take a whole historical epoch because of the persistence of imperialism and the increased resistance of the defeated domestic bourgeoisie by ten fold. By virtue of the proletarian revolutionaries’ respect for the freedom of thought and belief, the bourgeoisie can still persist and grow by using the bureaucracy, religious institutions and modern cultural institutions as refuge and cover, and ride on old customs and habits that favor reactionary thinking and acting. Mao observed the emergence and growth of the phenomenon of modern revisionism with a growing petty bourgeoisie as its social base in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, and also the persistence of the bourgeoisie in Chinese socialist society. Thus, he fought against modern revisionism since the 1950s and eventually put forward the theory of continuing revolution under proletarian dictatorship.

It is easy to understand that it is foolish to suggest the withering away of the worker state in the face of imperialism still riding roughshod over the people of the world. After the full restoration of capitalism in former revisionist-ruled countries, it should also be easy to understand that modern revisionism has been the most lethal poison to socialism. It is proven by history that it is possible to build socialism in one country and then several countries for several decades. But communism cannot be achieved without defeating imperialism, modern revisionism and reaction on a global scale. Thus, proletarian revolutionaries consider it of the highest importance to uphold proletarian internationalism against these anti-socialist and anti-communist adversaries. 

The proletarian revolutionary parties and revolutionary mass organizations of the world must unite. They must strive to develop mutual understanding, fraternal relations, and mutual support and cooperation. Giving life to the slogan, “Workers of all countries, unite!”, the socialist state must give uppermost importance to the internationalist unity of the working class through the establishment and development of fraternal relations of working class parties and socialist states. It must strive to strengthen solidarity of all peoples, revolutionary parties and mass movements around the world in order to fight and defeat imperialism on a worldwide scale. Upon the global defeat of imperialism, communism is realizable. ### 

Duterte is a tyrant to the Filipino people but a craven puppet to a foreign master

By Jose Maria Sison, NDFP Chief Political Consultant
June 21, 2019

The Duterte regime is doing everything to cover up the deliberate ramming of the boat of the Filipino fishermen by a Chinese militia boat. Now, again exposing his character as a traitor and paid agent of China, Duterte wants to have a joint investigation with China to further put down the Filipino victims and worst of all to insinuate that China has joint jurisdiction over the exclusive economic zone of the Philippines.

Instead of toying with the stupid notion of joint investigation, the Philippines should condemn the intrusion of the Chinese militia boat and ramming crime in the exclusive economic zone of the Philippines and demand from China the surrender of the Chinese culprits. It is the misfortune of the Philippines to be ruled by a tyrant who is self-serving and yet so cravenly servile to his foreign master.

Duterte is smart in serving his selfish interest but utterly stupid in betraying the Filipino nation

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By Jose Maria Sison
NDFP Chief Political Consultant
June 20, 2019

Duterte is greedy and smart in serving his personal and family interest. But he is utterly stupid and despicable for betraying the sovereign rights and interests of the Filipino nation by selling out cheaply the natural wealth of the Philippines in exchange for commissions in economic deals with China and for payoffs from Chinese criminal triads that smuggle in and distribute illegal drugs in the Philippines.

Just to earn quickly a few billions of dollars for himself, Duterte is practically giving away to China the estimated USD 26.3 trillion oil reserves in the Philippine exclusive economic zone in the West Philippine Sea. Duterte is out to surpass his idol Marcos in treason and corruption. Thus, he has been acting as mouthpiece of China in violating the UNCLOS and the sovereign rights of the Filipino people in the West Philippine Sea.

If the oil and gas resources in the aforesaid area were utilized for the benefit of the Filipino people, the Philippines would certainly be industrialized and the people would be lifted to a new and higher level of social and economic development. Unfortunately, the Philippines is now ruled by a greedy gangster clique led by Duterte who is short-sighted and thrives on Chinese commissions and drug smuggling.

Just to earn commissions for himself, Duterte practically begs China to give high-interest loans and overpriced infrastructure projects.

But Duterte is blatantly and treasonously laying aside the fact that China owes the Philippines an estimated USD 177 billion for rent and damages in building and militarizing the artificial islands in the Philippine exclusive economic zone. Never has there been a more stupid and traitorous Filipino puppet president.###

On the issue of the West Philippine Sea as it involves the Philppines, China and US

By Jose Maria Sison
NDFP Chief Political Consultant
June 18, 2019

In focusing on the issue of the West Philippine Sea and looking at the involvements of the Philippines, China and US, we must understand the following points:

  1. China is in gross violation of the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) and in contempt of the 2016 judgment of the Permanent Arbitration Court in favor of the Philippines by continuing to pursue the unlawful claim of ownership over 90 percent of the South China Sea; encroaching on 100 percent of the extended continental shelf and at least 80 percent of the exclusive economic zone (EEZ) of the Philippines; and building and militarizing artificial islands within the Philippine EEZ.
  2. Only after the militarized artificial islands have been built has the US invoked the US-RP Mutual Defense Treaty against them only to justify the buildup of US military positions in Philippine territory but has not actually done anything more than undertake freedom of navigation operations singly or in combination with other countries.
  3. Indeed, the US and all other countries have the right and freedom to navigate the high seas of the South China Sea and to demonstrate disdain for and rejection of China’s pompously false claim of owning the high seas and practically the entirety of the South China Sea.
  4. Until now, both the Duterte and the US governments have failed to use or simply invoke the US-RP Mutual Defense Treaty if only to make a serious condemnation of China’s invasion of Philippine EEZ, get the support of the international community for the appropriate diplomatic actions and lay the ground for certain effective legal actions short of waging war or blowing up the artificial islands at its weak points and letting the sea swallow them.
  5. The Philippines can file legal suit against China in the US where it has financial assets. These can be held to account for China’s violation of the UNCLOS and the Philippine EEZ, for the destruction of the marine environment by building the artificial islands and for the rent involved for the duration of Chinese occupation of these islands. Even the US was once compelled to pay for damages caused by a US military vessel to Tubbataha Reef.
  6. As traitor and paid agent of China and Chinese drug syndicates, Duterte has been shamelessly trying to frighten the Filipino people by harping on the line that China would declare war on the Philippines should the latter insist on upholding and defending its sovereign rights in the West Philippine Sea. For the information of all, China is actually afraid of waging war because this would belie and upset its so-called peaceful rise, cause social instability within China among the poor Chinese who are still in the hundreds of millions and favor the US in its attempts to undermine and weaken China.
  7. Engineers aver that the artificial islands built by the China in the Philippine EEZ are actually vulnerable due to their relatively small size and reef foundation. Their weak points can be easily exploded to allow the sea to swallow the islands. A high American military official once boasted that the US has plenty of experience in blowing up islands in the Pacific. But before any fireworks can happen, there are possible diplomatic and legal actions that can compel China to respect Philippine sovereign rights and even pay for damages it has inflicted.

The Revolutionary Movement of the Filipino People Is Indestructible Due to Oppression and Exploitation

By Jose Maria Sison, NDFP Chief Political Consultant
June 18, 2019

Duterte and his political agents and armed minions keep on boasting that they can destroy the revolutionary movement of the Filipino people. However, they keep on moving their deadline because every previous deadline proved to be false.

The revolutionary movement of the Filipino people is indestructible because of its just cause of national liberation and democracy against foreign monopoly capitalism, domestic feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism.

As long these three evil forces oppress and exploit the people, the ground will remain fertile for such revolutionary forces as the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), the New People’s Army (NPA) and the National Democratic Front (NDFP) to thrive.

No party or group of traditional politicians servile to US imperialism and representative of the exploiting classes of big compradors and landlords are capable of taking initiative away from the revolutionary forces that uphold and carry out the people’s democratic revolution.

The revolutionary movement is indestructible because of the objective semicolonial and semifeudal conditions that have given rise to it and because every major revolutionary force knows how to preserve itself and increase its strength through struggle.

The CPP ceaselessly engages in ideological, political and organizational building. It has thus become a formidable force nationwide and it is deeply rooted among the toiling masses due to its correct revolutionary theory and practice and its general program of people’s democratic revolution through protracted people’s war.

The NPA is under the correct leadership of the CPP and is effectively carrying out the strategic line of people’s democratic revolution through protracted people’s war. It integrates revolutionary armed struggle with agrarian reform and mass base building, which includes the building of revolutionary mass organizations and local organs of political power.

The local organs of political power constitute the People’s Democratic Government. It is led by the CPP and the NDFP ensures the unity of the people in their millions through the mass organizations and alliances. It is the revolutionary government of workers and peasants which is fighting to get rid of the counterrevolutionary government of the big compradors, landlords and bureaucrat capitalists subservient to US imperialism and other imperialist powers.

Whenever the Duterte regime unleashes any kind of offensive of whatever kind or scale, the revolutionary forces retain their revolutionary integrity, increase their strength through struggle, respond to threats promptly and effectively and launch counteroffensives to isolate and destroy the people’s enemy part by part.

Duterte is incompetent to talk about the destiny of the Filipino people and their revolutionary movement. Even if he is incoherent most of the time, he is sometimes coherent, such as when he admits that he is overwhelmed by Philippine problems and wishes to hang himself. He himself is currently the most most notorious personification of bureaucratic corruption in the Philippines.

Duterte and his political and military agents think that they can discredit and destroy the revolutionary movement of the Filipino people by pursuing the anti-communist line. But neither socialism nor communism is in the agenda. The Filipino people and the revolutionary movement are focused on carrying out the people’s democratic revolution as the prelude to the socialist revolution.###

Duterte is exposed as a traitor and paid agent of China

By Jose Maria Sison, NDFP Chief Political Consultant
June 17, 2019

Photo: AFP/Ted Aljibe

Supreme Court Senior Associate Justice Antonio is legally, politically and morally correct in demanding that the Philippines and the Duterte regime take a strong stand against China’s aggressive act and demand compensation and punishment for the captain and crew of the vessel that rammed the Filipino fishing vessel, F/B Gemvir 1.

The failure of Duterte himself to make the required strong stand against the aggressive act and to demand compensation and punishment from the criminal rammers exposes him as a traitor and paid agent of China and takes the lid off a whole barrel of treasonous crimes that Duterte has committed in betrayal of the national sovereignty and national patrimony of the Filipino people.

As I have long pointed out, Duterte and his close relatives and high subalterns have privately benefited from commissions on high-interest Chinese loans and overpriced infrastructure projects at the official level and at the same time from the massive smuggling and distribution of illegal drugs by the Chinese criminal triads at the unofficial level.

Duterte is engaged in double puppetry. For the purpose of keeping the loyalty of the US-lining military and police officers, he retains all the treaties, agreements and arrangements that make US imperialism the most dominant power in the Philippines. At the same time, he serves as a double traitor focused on the quick and secret income from commissions by Chinese corporations and payoffs by the Chinese criminal triads.

While Duterte and his ruling clique profit enormously from their Chinese connections, they sell out to China the sovereign rights of the Filipino people over the West Philippine Sea and and its marine and mineral resources and make the Philippines a debt colony of China through high-interest loans and overpriced infrastructure projects.

Thus, they do not make any demand for China to vacate the artificial islands it has built and militarized in the exclusive economic zone of the Philippines, to pay rent for occupancy of those islands and to pay compensation for the damage and destruction of the marine environment. The Duterte regime is traitorous and corrupt. It is shamelessly subservient to Chinese imperialism.###

Duterte Is Engaged in Bogus Land Reform, He Is Doomed in the Most Ignoble Sense

By Jose Maria Sison
June 14, 2019

The Filipino people and their revolutionary forces would applaud any government that carries out genuine land reform, which is well explained by the Revolutionary Guide to Land Reform of the Communist Party of the Philippines and by the NDFP Draft Comprehensive Agreement on Social and Economic Reforms.

But certainly the Duterte regime is not engaged in any genuine land reform by distributing mere pieces of paper to some 13,000 people that require them to pay the unaffordable price for 24,000 hectares in Central Mindanao, even if by installment.

The long-running record of the reactionary government in land reform is that more than 95 percent of supposed land reform beneficiaries ultimately cannot pay for the land assigned to them and lose it to merchant usurers, landlords, bureaucrat capitalists, big comprador companies and foreign corporations.

The New People’s Army is cherished by the people, especially the peasant masses because it defends and guarantees the genuine land reform being carried out by the revolutionary movement led by the CPP.

Revolutionary land reform includes the minimum program of reducing land rent, eliminating usury, raising farm wages, improving farm gate prices of agricultural produce, raising agricultural production and creating sideline occupations, and promoting rudimentary cooperation.

Revolutionary land reform also includes the maximum program of distributing land for free to the landless peasants, building cooperatives in stages, providing support from the people’s revolutionary government, raising production and capital construction and setting prices favorable to the agricultural and other products of the peasant masses.

It is not the NPA but the Duterte regime that is doomed in an ignoble sense because of his distribution of mere pieces of paper misrepresented as land reform. The ignoble end of Duterte is assured by his gross and systematic crimes of tyranny, treason, mass murder of people (including the peasants and the indigenous), corruption and deceptions.

In many areas today, the peasants and the indigenous people are being subjected to bombings, mass murders on mere suspicion and forced evacuation in order to allow the corrupt government officials, landlords and the mining, logging and plantation companies to grab the land.

The New People’s Army and other revolutionary forces of the people are indestructible because they serve the people and are carrying out the program for people’s democratic revolution against the three evil forces of foreign monopoly capitalism, domestic feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism, which the Duterte regime and its armed minions are dishonorably and maliciously serving through campaigns of suppression and butchery.###

A Consequence of Duterte’s Treason

By Jose Maria Sison
NDFP Chief Political Consultant
June 13, 2019

Public attention is once more called to the Duterte regime’s treasonous policy of selling out the Filipino people’s sovereign rights over the West Philippine Sea by a Chinese vessel sinking a Philippine boat and leaving 22 Filipino fishermen to the elements.

The Filipino people have been outraged for so long by the Duterte regime’s failure to assert their sovereign rights over the West Philippine Sea and to demand before the United Nations that China stop its violations of the UN Convention of the Law of the Sea and the 2016 judgment of the International Arbitral Tribunal in favor of the Philippines against China.

The regime has stubbornly refused to make the following just demands: the withdrawal of China from the artificial islands it has unlawfully built and militarized in the West Philippine Sea, the payment of rent for the occupation of these islands and compensation for destroying the marine resources and environment.

These demands are not being made before the courts in the US and other countries where China’s overseas assets can be held liable. Instead, the Duterte regime has shamelessly offered to China the exploration and exploitation of the oil and gas resources in the Reed Bank, which are estimated to be 5.4 billion barrels and 55.1 trillion cubic feet. These are enough to finance the industrial development of the Philippines if not subjected to imperialist plunder by China.

The Duterte ruling clique justifies its treasonous behavior by its expectations of large loans for infrastructure projects from China. Thus many people have observed that commissions have been advanced to the ruling clique through Dennis Uy and other Chinese conduits that are hyperactive in the infrastructure project and in buying up major Philippine assets.

The Chinese loans are at exorbitant interest rates and the infrastructure projects are overpriced. Thus, the Duterte ruling clique is expected to receive further huge kickbacks on a scale even grander than that at the time when Duterte’s infamous idol Marcos milked the foreign loans and infrastructure projects.

But the Chinese government has been tough by rolling out the projects at a rate much slower than expected by Duterte to compel him to make immediate and outright surrender of the sovereign rights in the most explicit terms. The regime has therefore appeared absurd in touting Chinese loans and infrastructure projects as the main pillar of his build, build, build program.

In the meantime, the US-China trade war is heating up and the US, Japan and European countries are asserting their freedom of navigation and telling the entire world that China has no right to own the South China Sea and to take control over the West Philippine Sea, in which the Philippines has sovereign rights to marine and mineral resources in its exclusive economic zone and extended continental shelf.###

The anticommunist psywar line of Duterte and his agents is self-defeating

By Jose Maria Sison
NDFP Chief Political Consultant
June 9, 2019

The national democratic movement of the Filipino people has long exposed the historical and current fact that the three evil forces of foreign monopoly capitalism, domestic feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism are responsible for the people’s oppression and exploitation and the country’s underdevelopment, mass unemployment and widespread poverty.

Constructively and positively, the national democratic movement has put forward the general line of people’s democratic revolution to change the semicolonial and semifeudal system with a program of realizing full national independence, real democracy, social justice, economic development through genuine land reform and national industrialization, a patriotic and progressive culture and independent foreign policy.

The National Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP) has been open to peace negotiations with the GRP in order to realize the aforesaid patriotic and progressive program which involves bourgeois democratic reforms and far from being socialist. But the rabid anti-communists (who are puppets of US imperialism and agents of the exploiting classes) have always sabotaged the peace negotiations and insisted on counterrevolutionary violence in order to preserve the the unjust ruling system.,

The broad masses of the people see and detest the treasonous and corrupt bureaucrats and the brutal military and police forces as the instruments of the three evil forces of imperialism, feudalism and bureaucratic corruption. Thus the Filipino people have engaged in various forms of struggle, including mass protest actions and armed revolution, in order to fight for national and social liberation.

The Duterte regime and its armed and political agents have been stirring up the psywar line of rabid anticommunism to deflect attention from the three evil forces of imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism and blame the revolutionary forces and the people themselves, who are the victims of oppression and exploitation, for all the wrongs for which the US-dominated ruling system of big compradors, landlords and corrupt bureaucrats are responsible.

The Duterte regime and its armed and political agents use the line of rabid anticommunism as the main line of their “whole of nation approach) to justify the gross and systematic violations of human rights, the militarization of civilian departments and agencies of the reactionary government and the compulsion on people to denounce the revolutionary movement or have themselves listed up as surrendered and repentant rebels only to be subsequently subjected to summary executions as in Oplan Tokhang.

Duterte himself is the most brazen instigator of state terrorism against the people. He has called for mass intimidation and mass murder of suspects, shooting women in the vagina, killing social activists, religious people and human rights defenders, bombing, burning and looting the poor communities of peasants and indigenous peoples and forcing them to evacuate in order to make way for the mining, logging and plantation companies.

Duterte and his political and military minions red tag or slander the patriotic and progressive people as “communists” and “terrorists” in order to strike fear and discredit them and create an atmosphere of terror. Worst of all, the Duterte regime, its psywar agents and its death squads from the police and military threaten the people with all kinds of harm and to actually abduct, torture and murder an increasing number of people.

In using the unlawful and malicious tactics of witchhunt and casting guilt by association, the objective of the US-Duterte regime is to terrorize the entire Filipino nation and to impose on the people a full-blown fascist dictatorship. The Duterte ruling clique has become more arrogant and murderous after rigging the elections and controlling every major branch of the reactionary government.

But the result is that the Filipino people are not at all cowed by Duterte’s reign of terror and greed. The people detest it and are determined to fight and defeat it. The puppets of imperialism and reactionaries in the Philippines never learn from history. They forget that after they have their malicious way for a period of time, the broad masses of the people eventually bring them down.

The rabid anticommunism during the Cold War in the 1950s did not stop the resurgence of the national democratic movement and the reestablishment of the Communist Party of the Philippines under the guidance of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism in the 1960s.

The ultra-reactionary attempt to suppress the people’s aspirations for national and social liberation with the use of the Anti-Subversion Law and the anti-communist witchhunts challenged the young proletarian revolutionaries to regenerate the national democratic movement and the revolutionary armed resistance.

The tyrant Marcos thought that he could use rabid anticommunism as the instrument of establishing a fascist dictatorship and thus he aggravated the chronic crisis of the semicolonial and semifeudal ruling system. Ultimately, he would be overthrown by the people in 1986. The persistent scheme of Duterte, the Marcos heirs and their fellow plunderers to glorify Marcos wil fail.

Like Marcos, Duterte thinks that he can repeat the Marcos example of using anti-communism and state terrorism to establish a full-blown fascist dictatorship and further accumulate private wealth from overpriced infrastructure projects, foreign loans and other major rackets. He will meet the same ignominious end as his idol Marcos.

The Filipino people are inspired by their long history of revolutionary struggle against their oppressors and exploiters. They are determined to struggle for the just cause of national and social liberation. They are confident of winning victory against a tyrant whose crimes of treason, mass murder, plunder, electoral fraud and deception are already weighing him down to his grave.###

Panayam kay Prop. Jose Maria Sison tungkol sa halalang Mayo 13

Ni J. V. Ayson

1. Ano po ang inyong pangkalahatang pagsusuri sa katatapos lang na mid-term national and local elections? Masasabi niyo po ba na patas, malaya, malinis, at mapayapa ang halalan?

JMS: Garapal na pananakot at pandaraya ang ginawa ng rehimeng Duterte at mga kasangkapan nitong Comelec, militar, pulis at iba pang alipores ni Duterte. Nangyari ang aking prediksyon na imanipula ni Duterte ang kondukta at resulta ng halalan para sa labis-labis na pakinabang niya dahil may kapangyariham, may kriminal na pag-iisip at may motibasyon para gumawa ng pandaraya.

Hindi patas ang eleksyon para sa mga kandidato ng rehimen at oposisyon. Hindi malaya at mapayapa, laluna sa kalakhan ng Mindanao at iba pang tinaguriang trouble spot sa Luson at Mindanao kung saan mga militar at pulis gumawa ng red tagging, banta at ilang pagpatay sa mga nasa oposisyon. Labis-labis na marumi ang eleksyon dahil sa mga pananakot, vote buying, pre-shading ng mga balota at paggamit ng dagdag-bawas sa pamamagitan ng mga computer ng Comelec automated electoral system, 

2. Kapansin-pansin po na walang kandidatong independyente at oposisyonista na mananalo sa pagka-senador. Naniniwala po ba kayo na may kinalaman ang mataas na antas umano ng popularidad ng kasalukuyang administrasyon at ang masama pa rin umanong imahe ng Liberal Party? O baka planado na po ang magiging resulta ng halalan kung ang pagbabatayan ay ang babala ni Atty. Glenn Chong noong Nobyembre 2018 hinggil sa posibilidad ng malawakang dayaan?

JMS: Tinuunan ni Duterte ang pandaraya sa antas ng mga kandidatong senatoryal dahil gusto niyang matiyak na makuha niya ang two-thirds o mas malaki pang mayorya sa Senado para maisakatuparan niya nang lubusan ang kanyang pasistang diktadura sa pamamagitan ng chacha para sa pakunwaring pederalismo, maipatupad niya ang syento porsyentong pagmamay-ari ng dayuhan sa mga likas yaman at lahat ng negosyo sa Pilipinas at maiwasan niya ang pag-aresto sa kanya dahil sa mga krimen ng maramihang pagpaslang sa mga suspek sa Oplan Tokhang at Oplan Kapayapaan.

Hindi totoo na napakapopular si Duterte. Naging mabaho na siya dahil sa pagtaas ng buwis at paglipad ng presyo ng mga batayang bilihin at nasusuklam na ang masa sa mga maramihang pagpaslang sa mga suspek sa adik at tulak ng droga at sa mga suspek na rebolusyonaryo, sa pagiging supremong protektor ng illegal drugs si Duterte mismo, sa pataksil na pagbebenta ng West Philippine Sea at pambansang soberanya at patrimonya sa Tsina, sa mabilis at malakihang kurakot ng pamilyang Duterte at sabwatan nila sa mga kapwa nilang mandarambong tulad ng mga Marcos, Arroyo at iba pa.

Ang “high popularity” ni Duterte ay gawa-gawa lamang ng mga bayarang poll survey firm, mga kolumnista, brodkaster, mga troll at bot. Totoong may nananatiling pagkabaho pa ng mga dilawan. Pero malayong mas mabaho na si Duterte. At magagaling naman yong karamihan ng kandidatong Otso Deretso at iba pang oposisyonista. Ni isa walang nanalo dahil sa garapal na pandaraya. Pati ang pinamahusay na kandidatong senatoryal na si Neri Colmenares dinaya nang malakihan.

Planado ang pandaraya. Maliwanag ang katotohanan. Yan ang sinasabi ng napakaraming tao. Hindi lamang sina Chong at Gadon na nalaglag mula sa grupo ng mga paboritong kandidato ni Dueterte. Masakit ang loob nila dahil pati mga boto nila malamang na naidagdag sa mga paborito ni Duterte o kaya hindi nabahaginan ng dambuhalang pekeng boto. Hindi porke sipsip ang mga ito kay Duterte mapapasali na sila sa Senado ni Duterte.

3. Gaano po kaya katindi sa inyong pagtataya at paniniwala ang malawakang dayaan at manipulasyon at ang marumi, maanomalya, at kuwestiyonableng pagsasagawa ng halalan ngayong taong ito? Mas matindi po ba ito kaysa sa malawakang dayaan at sa pagsasagawa at resulta ng mga halalan noong 2010, 2013, at 2016 sa ilalim ng automated election system?

JMS: Sa aking pagtataya at sa kaalaman ng sambayanan, sistematiko, malawakan at napakatindi ang dayaan at manipulasyon ng halalan. Marumi, maanomalya at kasuklamsuklam ang pandaraya na ginawa ni Duterte. Mas matindi ang pandaraya ni Duterte sa malawakang dayaan sa mga halalan ng 2010, 2013, at 2016 sa ilalim ng automated election system. Naging automated o mas mabilis at laganap ang pandaraya ni Duterte kaysa ginawa ni Marcos sa mga halalan sa ilalim ng kanyang ganap na pasistang diktadura.

4. Maliban po sa pagkatalo ni dating BAYAN MUNA Party-list Rep. Neri Colmenares sa pagka-senador, malaki po ang posibilidad na lumiit ang bilang ng mga progresibong mambabatas. May kinalaman po ba rito ang mistulang pangangampanya ng mga ahensiya ng pamahalaan laban sa mga progresibong partido? Gaano po kaya katindi ang kagustuhan ng kasalukuyang administrasyon na alisan ng representasyon at boses ang mga mahihirap at api sa Kongreso Nangangahulugan po ba ito na hindi pa handa ang sistemang pulitikal ng bayang Pilipino sa pagkakaroon ng isang “maka-Kaliwang” senador o presidente kung ang pagbabatayan ay ang electoral track record ng mga progresibo?

JMS: Dapat lumaki pa ang boto at tiyak na manalo si Neri Colmenares dahil sa siya ang pinakamatatag, matalas at magaling na lumaban sa mga kriminal na patakaran at kilos ng rehimeng Duterte. Isinusuka ng bayan su Duterte at mga kandidato niya dahil sa kanyang tiraniya, kataksilan, maramihang paspaslang ng mga suspek, panunupil sa mga kritiko, aktibista at oposisyon, pandarambong, pagsisinungaling at pangungutya sa mga mahirap, kababaihan at mga Kristiyano.

Hindi mabisa ang red-tagging at iba pang paninira na ginawa ng mga ahensiya ng pamahalaan laban sa mga progresibong partido. Kita ng taumbayan na sinungaling ang mga buruktarata at armadong alipores ni Duterte, electioneering ang ginagawa at lumalabag sila sa mga demokratiko at elektoral na karapatan ng mga progresibong kandidato at mga tao. Kaunti lang malilinlang.

Matindi at desidido ang rehimeng Duterte na alisan ng representasyon at boses ang mga mahihirap at api sa Kongreso. Kung gayon, sadyang dinaya si Neri at Anakpawis at binawasan nang malaki ang boto ng mga progresibong party list. Kung walang pandaraya sa anyo ng automated cheating, tiyak na lumaki ang boto ng mga makabayan at progresibong kandidato sa paligsahang senatoryal at party list. Abangan ang mga darating na panunupil bunga ng pandaraya ng rehimeng Duterte sa halalan. 

5. Lumalabas na naman po ang mga pagturing sa masa bilang mga “bobotante” dahil sa napipintong tagumpay ng karamihan sa mga kandidatong maka-Duterte sa pagka-senador. Dapat po ba talagang sisihin ang personality politics hinggil dito? O sadyang bulok lang po talaga ang sistemang panlipunan at pampulitika para kumapit ang masa sa patalim pagdating sa pagboto? Ano po ba talaga ang kahalagahan ng halalan para sa masa pagdating sa kanilang kalagayang panlipunan?

JMS: Dapat panagutin ang rehimeng Duterte sa pandaraya at hwag sisihin ang masang Pilipino at kutyain pa silang “bobotante”. Hwag sisihin ang mga biktima ng pandaraya ni Duterte. Ang gumagawa ng panininisi ay mga lingid na pro-Duterte at ilang tunay na anti-Duterte na masyadong mataas ang tingin sa sarili, laluna sa hanay ng mga petiburges na kulang ang tiwala sa masang anakpawis.

Hindi lamang rehimeng Duterfe ang sisihin kundi ang buong naghaharing sistema ng mga tuta ng mga dayuhang monopolyo kapitalista, mga malaking komprador at asendero at mga burukrata kapitalista tulad ni Duterte. Nasusupil ang tinig ng masang anakpawis dahil sa panunupil at pagsasamantala ng buong sistema at alinmang rehimeng reaksyonaryo. Kasunod ng ganitong katotohanan, ang tinguriang personality politics sa hanay ng mga nagriribal na karamihan ay mga reaksyonaryong pulitiko.

Dapat isyu rin ang paggamit ng Smartmatic-TIM automated electoral system. Labis na magastos at madaling imanipula ng alinmang kriminal na rehimen o presidente tulad ni Duterte. Ihambing ang naturang sistema sa automated system sa Alemanya o Netherlands. Manual count pa rin na open to the view of the public and sa competing parties sa precinct level at secure transmission of vote results by ordinary computers. Malayong mas mura at madaling bantayan. Pinili ng mga korap ng pulitiko ng Pilipinas ang Smartmatic-TIM automated electoral system dahil mas magastos at mas madaling kunan ng kurakot at mas madali pang imanipula.

6. Dahil sa mga lumalabas na ulat hinggil sa mga seryosong alegasyon ng malawakang dayaan, mayroon po bang posibilidad na magkaroon ng isang malawakang alyansa na magpapakita ng pagkondena sa malawakang dayaan at pagtatakwil sa marumi, maanomalya, at kuwestiyonableng pagsasagawa at resulta ng halalan? Unti-unti na po kasing lumilinaw ang mga kondisyon para sa isang malawakang alyansa ngayong panahong ito dahil po sa mga pahayag ng pagkondena ng iba’t ibang personalidad, grupo at organisasyon sa malawakang dayaan, gaya na lang nina Atty. Glenn Chong, Atty. Larry Gadon, BAYAN, KONTRA-DAYA, MAKABAYAN, BMP, CARITAS-NASSA, at MMDM.

JMS: Dahil sa garapal na pandaraya ng rehimeng Duterte, ibayong may batayan para sa isang malawakang alyansa at kilusang protesta ng malawak na masa para kondenahin , itakwil at patalsikin ang rehimeng Duterte. Malinaw ang pagnanais ng mga lider at masa ng BAYAN, KONTRA-DAYA, MAKABAYAN, BMP, CARITAS-NASSA, MMDM at iba na magpalakas ng alyansa at palitawin ang lakas at bisa ng people’s power (kapangyarihan ng bayan) laban sa rehimeng tiraniko. Ewan kong totohanan sina Gadon at Chong sa pagpuna nila sa dayaan.

Kailangang-kailangan ang malawak na nagkakaisang hanay at militanteng kilusang protesta ng masa para maagap na salungatin ang mga mas masama pang patakaran at kilos ni Duterte bunga ng matagumpay na pandaraya niya sa halalan. Dapat maglunsad ng mga malaking pagtitipon aat martsa sa mga pampublikong lugar at sa loob at kapaligiran ng mga simbahang Kristiyano. Sa kalaunan, dapat may higanteng pagtitipon ng people’s power upang ibagsak ang imbing na rehimen ng halimaw na katulad ni Marcos.

7. Magiging independyente at makabayan po ba ang Senado, Kamara, at mga pamahalaang lokal gayong karamihan sa mga mananalong kandidato ay maka-Duterte? Mayroon po bang tsansa na magkaroon ng mga public official na tutuligsa sa mga patakaran at programa ng kasalukuyang administrasyon?

JMS: Hindi magiging independyente at makabayan ang Senado, Kamara, at mga pamahalaang lokal na maka-Duterte at nakinabang sa pandaraya at makikinabang pa sa patuloy na pagsalakay sa masang Pilipino at sa kabang-yaman ng bayan. Habang may pang-aapi at pagsasamantala, laluna kung lulubha pa, magkakaroon ng mas malakas pang masa at mas magiting na lider na nalalaban sa mga masamang patakaran at programa ng rehimeng Duterte. May ilan ding public official na nakalusot sa matindi at malawakang pandaraya ni Duterte.

8. Ano po ba ang maasahan ng masa sa huling tatlong taon ng kasalukuyang administrasyon? Mayroon pa po bang tsansa na maitulak ang kasalukuyang administrasyon na magtaguyod ng mga patakaran at programang makabayan at maka-masa? Mayroon po ba kayong nakikitang posibilidad hinggil sa tunguhin ng reporma, pakikibakang ligal, armadong rebolusyon, reaksyon, at maging ng kampanya para sa pagpapatalsik sa kasalukuyang administrasyon sa mga susunod na taon?

JMS: Walang maasahan ng masang Pilipino sa huling tatlong taon ng rehimeng Duterte kundi ibayong pang-aapi at pagsasamantala. Mahirap at hindi tama na umasa na ang rehimeng ito ay magbabago at magtataguyod ng mga patakaran at programang makabayan at maka-masa. Wala o malayo ang posibilidad na magbago ang rehimen at pumayag sa mga makabukuhyan na repromang sososy-ekonomiko at pampultika.

Balak ng rehimeng Duterte na magtayo ng pasistang diktadura at pagsilbihan niya ang mga dayuhang monopolyo, mga malaking komprador at asendero at ang makitid niyang pangkatin ng mga mandarambong at berdugo. Disidido ang rehimeng ito na supilin at puksain ang malawak na nagkakaisang hanay, ang legal na kilusang masa at ang armadong rebolusyon. Kung gayon, walang mapagpipilian ng mga mamamayan at mga pwersang makabayan at progresibo nila kundi lumaban hanggang tagumpay sa pagpapaalis kay Duterte sa kapangyarihan.

Magpalagay man si Duterte na kaya niyang patayin ang legal na demokratikong kilusan na nakalantad sa mga mga kalunsuran, hindi niya talaga kaya kundi lalo pa niyang itutulak ang masang Pilpino na magbalikwas. Lalong hindi kaya ni Duterte na patayin ang armadong rebolusyon ng bayan. Lalong dadami ang mga armadong rebolusyonaryo dahil sa panunupil sa mga makabayan at progresibong pwersa at mamamayan sa mga lungsod at nayon.

May pambansang saklaw at malalim na nakaugat sa masang anakpawis ang mga armadong rebolusyonaryo. Kaya nilang labanan at talunin ang rehimeng nabubulok at may limitadong lakas at rekurso at napakaraming kahinaan dahil sa lumalalalng krisis sa ekonomiya at pulitika ng naghaharing malakolonyal at malapyudal na sistema.###